{"id":786357,"date":"2026-02-14T20:05:25","date_gmt":"2026-02-14T19:05:25","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/?p=786357"},"modified":"2026-02-14T20:06:19","modified_gmt":"2026-02-14T19:06:19","slug":"bota-e-se-djeshmes","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/2026\/02\/14\/bota-e-se-djeshmes\/","title":{"rendered":"Bota e s\u00eb djeshmes","gt_translate_keys":[{"key":"rendered","format":"text"}]},"content":{"rendered":"

\"\"<\/p>\n

Nga Romina Kuko<\/em><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Historia nuk vjen me zhurm\u00eb. Ajo shfaqet si mjegull, fillimisht si nj\u00eb krisje e leht\u00eb n\u00eb mur, si nj\u00eb heshtje e zgjatur q\u00eb askush nuk di ta em\u00ebrtoj\u00eb. Kur e kupton se ka ardhur, zakonisht \u00ebsht\u00eb von\u00eb. Sot jemi pik\u00ebrisht n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb \u00e7ast: nj\u00eb epok\u00eb po largohet pa u shpallur, nd\u00ebrsa tjetra endet ende pa em\u00ebr, pa rregulla dhe pa premtime. Nj\u00eb bot\u00eb po mbyllet, por dera e s\u00eb res\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb hapur ende.<\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00eb librin e tij Bota e s\u00eb djeshmes, Stefan Cvajg p\u00ebrshkroi fundin e nj\u00eb qytet\u00ebrimi q\u00eb kishte besuar se kishte shp\u00ebtuar nga historia. Nj\u00eb Europ\u00eb e bindur se racionaliteti kishte fituar betej\u00ebn p\u00ebrfundimtare, se lufta ishte b\u00ebr\u00eb anakroniz\u00ebm, se progresi ishte ligj natyror. Tragjedia e asaj bote nuk q\u00ebndronte te idealizmi i saj, por tek bindja se ai qytet\u00ebrim ishte i p\u00ebrhersh\u00ebm, se kishte kaluar p\u00ebrtej rrezikut.<\/span><\/p>\n

Tragjikisht, historia na m\u00ebson se asgj\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e rrezikshme se nj\u00eb qytet\u00ebrim q\u00eb beson se \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrfundimisht i sigurt.<\/span><\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb shekull m\u00eb von\u00eb, ne po jetojm\u00eb variantin ton\u00eb t\u00eb asaj bote q\u00eb po largohet. Sot, \u201cbota e s\u00eb djeshmes\u201d nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb Europa para Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Par\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore, por rendi nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar i pas Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb. \u00cbsht\u00eb epoka e multilateralizmit liberal, e besimit se tregtia do t\u00eb z\u00ebvend\u00ebsonte konfliktin, se institucionet do t\u00eb disiplinonin fuqin\u00eb. Ekonomia do t\u00eb ishte gjithmon\u00eb lev\u00eb m\u00eb e fort\u00eb se politika dhe se gjeopolitika do z\u00ebvend\u00ebsohej nga impulset e teknologjis\u00eb. Por gjeopolitika nuk zhduket kurr\u00eb. Ajo vet\u00ebm hesht, duke pritur momentin e vet.<\/span><\/p>\n

P\u00ebr rreth tri dekada, bota funksionoi mbi nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje t\u00eb pashkruar: fuqia e fort\u00eb do t\u00eb q\u00ebndronte n\u00eb hije, nd\u00ebrsa fuqia e but\u00eb do t\u00eb sundonte diskursin. Institucionet shum\u00ebpal\u00ebshe u shnd\u00ebrruan n\u00eb katedrale t\u00eb rendit global. NATO dhe Bashkimi Evropian m\u00eb shum\u00eb se aleanca ishin garant\u00eb. OKB, me gjith\u00eb paradokset e saj, ishte vendi ku edhe armiqt\u00eb detyroheshin t\u00eb flisnin duke par\u00eb nj\u00ebri-tjetrin n\u00eb sy. Ekonomia globale u nd\u00ebrtua si nj\u00eb rrjet aq i nd\u00ebrlikuar, sa lufta dukej jo vet\u00ebm e pamoralshme, por irracionale.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ndoshta ishte periudha m\u00eb e mir\u00eb q\u00eb kemi njohur. Jo sepse ishte e drejt\u00eb n\u00eb \u00e7do detaj, por sepse ishte e parashikueshme. Dhe parashikueshm\u00ebria \u00ebsht\u00eb forma m\u00eb e lart\u00eb e siguris\u00eb. P\u00ebr 25 vite solide, q\u00eb nga r\u00ebnia e Murit t\u00eb Berlinit deri rikthimin e \u00e7izmes s\u00eb par\u00eb ruse n\u00eb Krime, rendi bot\u00ebror dukej sikur ishte shkruar n\u00eb gur, aq sa mendimtar\u00eb shkuan deri aty sa shpall\u00ebn fundin e historis\u00eb pra fundin e luftrave. Sot, kjo bot\u00eb po shp\u00ebrb\u00ebhet n\u00ebn pesh\u00ebn e tre forcave.<\/span><\/p>\n

E para, \u00ebsht\u00eb rikthimi brutal i politik\u00ebs s\u00eb fuqis\u00eb. Shtetet flasin s\u00ebrish me gjuh\u00ebn e interesit t\u00eb zhveshur, t\u00eb territorit dhe forc\u00ebs. Lufta n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb \u00e7arje n\u00eb vet\u00eb iden\u00eb e rendit pas vitit 1945. Lufta e par\u00eb n\u00eb kontinentin europian pas afro 80 vitesh d\u00ebshmoi se kufijt\u00eb ende k\u00ebrc\u00ebnohen t\u00eb l\u00ebvizen me tanke, se historia nuk ka pranuar t\u00eb mbyllet dhe se siguria nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb sh\u00ebrbim q\u00eb delegohet pafund\u00ebsisht.<\/span><\/p>\n

K\u00ebt\u00eb e kuptuan edhe ata q\u00eb p\u00ebr dekada kishin folur gjuh\u00ebn e stabilitetit financiar. N\u00eb Davos, Kryeministri i Kanadas\u00eb Mark Carney e tha qart\u00eb n\u00eb fjalimin e tij epokal: epoka e efikasitetit ka p\u00ebrfunduar; ka hyr\u00eb epoka e siguris\u00eb. Ekonomia globale nuk mund t\u00eb sillet m\u00eb sikur politika \u00ebsht\u00eb zhurm\u00eb n\u00eb sfond. Neutraliteti ekonomik \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb iluzion dhe tregjet, si shtetet, jan\u00eb futur n\u00eb logjik\u00ebn e mbijetes\u00ebs.<\/span><\/p>\n

E dyta \u00ebsht\u00eb cop\u00ebtimi i rendit global. Multilateralizmi universal po z\u00ebvend\u00ebsohet multipolariteti,pra pole fuqish q\u00eb konkurrojn\u00eb me nj\u00ebra-tjetr\u00ebn si dhe nga minilateralizmi pra nga rrethe m\u00eb t\u00eb vogla besimi, nga aleanca t\u00eb p\u00ebrkohshme, nga marr\u00ebveshje q\u00eb jetojn\u00eb aq sa interesat q\u00eb i mbajn\u00eb gjall\u00eb. Institucionet q\u00eb dikur prodhonin stabilitet sot jan\u00eb ber\u00eb penges\u00eb dhe prodhojn\u00eb bllokim. Rregullat dikur universale jan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb selektive dhe vetot kan\u00eb z\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb se rezolutat. Dhe nj\u00eb bot\u00eb me rregulla t\u00eb shum\u00ebfishta \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb nj\u00eb bot\u00eb n\u00eb prag p\u00ebrplasjeje.<\/span><\/p>\n

Alexander Stubb, Presidenti i Finland\u00ebs, n\u00eb analiz\u00ebn e tij p\u00ebr Foreign Affairs, e p\u00ebrkufizon k\u00ebt\u00eb epok\u00eb si koh\u00eb t\u00eb konkurrenc\u00ebs sistemike, ku demokracit\u00eb dhe autokracit\u00eb nuk p\u00ebrplasen m\u00eb vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr territore, por p\u00ebr m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn se si organizohet vet\u00eb rendi bot\u00ebror. M\u00eb tep\u00ebr se sa rivalitet fuqish, kjo duhet kuptuar si p\u00ebrplasje modelesh, nj\u00eb p\u00ebrplasje n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn neutraliteti \u00ebsht\u00eb munges\u00eb pozicioni, jo m\u00eb q\u00ebndrim moral.<\/span><\/p>\n

E treta, \u00ebsht\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrimi i gjith\u00e7kaje n\u00eb arm\u00eb politike. Energjia \u00ebsht\u00eb kthyer n\u00eb mjet presioni dhe nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb vet\u00ebm mjet shk\u00ebmbimi, teknologjia mjet dominimi dhe jo progresioni, aty ku dikur sundonte logjika e zhvillimit ekonomik, sot sundon logjika e siguris\u00eb. Ndryshim epoke.<\/span><\/p>\n

Gjeopolitika (kupto: fuqia, sovraniteti, kufijt\u00eb) kthehet gjithmon\u00eb n\u00eb \u00e7astin kur e ke harruar plot\u00ebsisht. Bota e s\u00eb djeshmes e harroi, harroi luft\u00ebn e brezave t\u00eb m\u00ebparsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u00eb garantuar sovranitetin e vendeve t\u00eb tyre. Duke harruar si \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb jetosh pa asnj\u00eb rrezik, n\u00eb zon\u00eb sigurie t\u00eb plot\u00eb si ajo q\u00eb ofronte multilateralizmi dhe liberalizmi, u besua se var\u00ebsia ekonomike do t\u00eb prodhonte p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi morale dhe se integrimi do t\u00eb sillte konvergjenc\u00eb politike. Por si p\u00ebrher\u00eb historia, doli m\u00eb cinike se teorit\u00eb tona. Autokracit\u00eb m\u00ebsuan t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorin globalizimin pa u transformuar. Demokracit\u00eb m\u00ebsuan, me vones\u00eb, se tregtia nuk garanton paqe.<\/span><\/p>\n

Megjithat\u00eb, ta shpall\u00ebsh multilateralizmin nj\u00eb gabim do t\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb akt edhe m\u00eb i r\u00ebnd\u00eb i nj\u00eb amnezie historike. Ai ishte rendi m\u00eb i mir\u00eb q\u00eb kemi nd\u00ebrtuar ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb. Ai uli varf\u00ebrin\u00eb, zgjeroi horizontet dhe p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb u dha shteteve t\u00eb vogla nj\u00eb ndjesi se nuk ishin thjesht statist\u00eb n\u00eb loj\u00ebn e t\u00eb m\u00ebdhenjve. D\u00ebshtimi nuk ishte te sistemi. D\u00ebshtimi ishte te bindja jon\u00eb se sistemi do t\u00eb mbijetonte pa mbrojtje.<\/span><\/p>\n

Si\u00e7 paralajm\u00ebron edhe Stubb, demokracit\u00eb gabuan duke besuar se normat z\u00ebvend\u00ebsojn\u00eb fuqin\u00eb. N\u00eb fakt, normat mbijetojn\u00eb vet\u00ebm kur mb\u00ebshteten nga kapaciteti p\u00ebr t\u2019i mbrojtur sepse asnj\u00eb rend nuk mbijeton vet\u00ebm duke u mb\u00ebshtetur n\u00eb kujtime.<\/span><\/p>\n

E ardhmja nuk duket se do t\u00eb jet\u00eb rikthim nostalgjik n\u00eb bot\u00ebn e s\u00eb djeshmes. Por as err\u00ebsir\u00eb e pashmangshme. Do t\u00eb jet\u00eb nj\u00eb bot\u00eb m\u00eb e ashp\u00ebr, m\u00eb e sinqert\u00eb, m\u00eb pak sentimentale. Nj\u00eb bot\u00eb ku multilateralizmi, i riformatuar tashm\u00eb, do t\u00eb duhet t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetet mbi fuqi reale dhe ku normat pa forc\u00eb nga pas do ting\u00ebllojn\u00eb si lutje. Aleancat, do vlejn\u00eb vet\u00ebm aq sa gatishm\u00ebria p\u00ebr t\u2019i mbrojtur.<\/span><\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb bot\u00eb m\u00eb e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00eb nj\u00eb rend ku fuqia po riorganizohet, shtetet e vogla nuk mbijetojn\u00eb duke q\u00ebndruar t\u00eb paqarta por duke p\u00ebrdorur aleancat si mburoj\u00eb dhe kurr\u00ebsesi si dekor diplomatik. Orientimi identitar euro-atlantik \u00ebsht\u00eb jet\u00ebsor p\u00ebr t\u00eb garantuar integritetin e plot\u00eb t\u00eb rajonit.<\/span><\/p>\n

P\u00ebr Ballkanin Perendimor dhe vendin ton\u00eb, kjo bot\u00eb e re \u00ebsht\u00eb debat gjeografik dhe aleancash strategjike, zero teori tanim\u00eb. N\u00eb politik\u00ebn e jashtme, dallimi mes mediokritetit dhe shtetaris\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb i thjesht\u00eb: nj\u00ebri sheh titullin e lajmeve, tjetri sheh hart\u00ebn dhe punon p\u00ebr ekuilibrimin e saj duke garantuar avantazhe p\u00ebr vendin e vet.<\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst, Shqip\u00ebria shfaqet si p\u00ebrjashtim dometh\u00ebn\u00ebs n\u00eb rajon, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb nj\u00eb elementi gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb rrall\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb epok\u00eb: stabiliteti dhe koherenca strategjike. Shqip\u00ebria \u00ebsht\u00eb sot i vetmi vend n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor me orientim t\u00eb qart\u00eb, pa ekuivoke, euro-atlantik; an\u00ebtare e NATO-s, kontribuuese aktive n\u00eb arkitektur\u00ebn e siguris\u00eb rajonale dhe pa dilema identitare n\u00eb politik\u00ebn e jashtme.<\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00eb nj\u00eb bot\u00eb ku, si\u00e7 tha Carney, siguria po b\u00ebhet valuta e re globale, stabiliteti politik dhe koherenca strategjike jan\u00eb kapital dhe n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuptim, Ky rajon nuk e ka privilegjin e paqart\u00ebsis\u00eb strategjike dhe lundrimit pragmatik. Kjo epok\u00eb sjell edhe nj\u00eb mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb rrall\u00eb. N\u00eb nj\u00eb bot\u00eb t\u00eb pasigurt, stabiliteti ka vler\u00eb politike. N\u00eb nj\u00eb rajon me kujtes\u00eb konfliktesh, parashikueshm\u00ebria \u00ebsht\u00eb kapital strategjik. Dhe kur Europa k\u00ebrkon siguri n\u00eb kufijt\u00eb e saj, Ballkani Per\u00ebndimor \u00ebsht\u00eb prove, jo m\u00eb periferi.<\/span><\/p>\n

Paralajm\u00ebrimi i Cvajgut mbetet i pandryshuar: qytet\u00ebrimet nuk shemben vet\u00ebm nga dhuna, por nga harresa. Bota e s\u00eb djeshmes u venit sepse njer\u00ebzit besuan se historia kishte pushuar s\u00eb ekzistuar po kjo bot\u00eb q\u00eb po vjen tani na k\u00ebrkon di\u00e7ka m\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb. T\u00eb mos endemi m\u00eb n\u00eb nostalgjin\u00eb e asaj q\u00eb ishte, por t\u00eb kuptojm\u00eb shpejt dhe t\u00eb marrim p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsit\u00eb p\u00ebr at\u00eb q\u00eb po vjen. N\u00eb bot\u00ebn e re, historia nuk do i shp\u00ebrblej\u00eb ata q\u00eb presin, por ata q\u00eb pozicionohen.<\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false,"gt_translate_keys":[{"key":"rendered","format":"html"}]},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Nga Romina Kuko Historia nuk vjen me zhurm\u00eb. Ajo shfaqet si mjegull, fillimisht si nj\u00eb krisje e leht\u00eb n\u00eb mur, si nj\u00eb heshtje e zgjatur q\u00eb askush nuk di ta em\u00ebrtoj\u00eb. Kur e kupton se ka ardhur, zakonisht \u00ebsht\u00eb von\u00eb. Sot jemi pik\u00ebrisht n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb \u00e7ast: nj\u00eb epok\u00eb po largohet pa u shpallur, nd\u00ebrsa tjetra […]<\/p>\n","protected":false,"gt_translate_keys":[{"key":"rendered","format":"html"}]},"author":51,"featured_media":786358,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[20],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-786357","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-blog"],"gt_translate_keys":[{"key":"link","format":"url"}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/786357","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/51"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=786357"}],"version-history":[{"count":99999,"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/786357\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":786359,"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/786357\/revisions\/786359"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/786358"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=786357"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=786357"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=786357"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}