{"id":784804,"date":"2026-02-05T13:07:17","date_gmt":"2026-02-05T12:07:17","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/?p=784804"},"modified":"2026-02-05T20:34:54","modified_gmt":"2026-02-05T19:34:54","slug":"ojf-ja-e-mire","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/2026\/02\/05\/ojf-ja-e-mire\/","title":{"rendered":"OJF-ja e mir\u00eb","gt_translate_keys":[{"key":"rendered","format":"text"}]},"content":{"rendered":"

\"\"<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n

*Nga Paul Dragos Aigica<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n

Rasti Epstein ka nxjerr\u00eb n\u00eb pah nj\u00eb mekaniz\u00ebm t\u00eb vjet\u00ebr, por rrall\u00eb t\u00eb diskutuar hapur: “kurthin e mjaltit” – nj\u00eb teknik\u00eb kompromisi dhe kontrolli me an\u00eb t\u00eb s\u00eb cil\u00ebs njer\u00ebz me influenc\u00eb joshen q\u00ebllimisht n\u00eb situata t\u00eb paligjshme ose thell\u00ebsisht komprometuese, t\u00eb dokumentuara sistematikisht, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb m\u00eb von\u00eb t\u00eb mund t\u00eb shantazhohen, t\u00eb kontrollohen ose t\u00eb neutralizohen.<\/span><\/p>\n

Le ta shfryt\u00ebzojm\u00eb rastin, nd\u00ebrsa publiku duket i interesuar p\u00ebr k\u00ebto mjete dhe teknika, p\u00ebr t\u00eb sjell\u00eb nj\u00eb mjet tjet\u00ebr nga i nj\u00ebjti “set mjetesh”.<\/span><\/p>\n

M\u00eb pak e dukshme, por po aq efektive, vepron “OJF-ja e mir\u00eb”.<\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00ebse kurthi i mjaltit shfryt\u00ebzon dob\u00ebsit\u00eb private, OJF-ja e mir\u00eb shfryt\u00ebzon kapitalin moral t\u00eb kauzave fisnike. N\u00ebn mask\u00ebn e altruizmit dhe t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile, ajo funksionon si nj\u00eb mekaniz\u00ebm i influenc\u00ebs dhe i kontrollit politik indirekt, mekaniz\u00ebm i v\u00ebshtir\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u sfiduar pik\u00ebrisht sepse \u00ebsht\u00eb legjitimuar nga virtyti.<\/span><\/p>\n

OJF-ja e mir\u00eb<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n

Faza 1 – Krijimi. OJF-t\u00eb krijohen me q\u00ebllime moralisht t\u00eb pat\u00ebmet\u00eb: mbrojtja e mjedisit, e kafsh\u00ebve, e f\u00ebmij\u00ebve, e t\u00eb drejtave, e p\u00ebrfshirjes, e \u201cs\u00eb mir\u00ebs publike\u201d. <\/span><\/p>\n

Formalisht k\u00ebto jan\u00eb entitete t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile; n\u00eb realitet ato kontrollohen operacionalisht nga prapa prej nj\u00eb entiteti krijues. Prandaj mbijetesa dhe suksesi i tyre anormal n\u00eb nj\u00eb sektor q\u00eb p\u00ebrndryshe do t\u00eb sh\u00ebnohej nga d\u00ebshtimi dhe braktisja.<\/span><\/p>\n

Faza 2 – Legjitimimi publik. OJF-ja dhe bart\u00ebsit e imazhit t\u00eb saj ngrihen n\u00eb dukshm\u00ebri komb\u00ebtare. B\u00ebhen prani t\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebritura mediatike. Kapitali i besimit rritet me shpejt\u00ebsi: jan\u00eb \u201ct\u00eb painteresuara\u201d, \u201cjofitimprur\u00ebse\u201d, \u201cn\u00eb an\u00ebn e s\u00eb mir\u00ebs\u201d. Kritika ndaj tyre b\u00ebhet pothuajse e pamundur.<\/span><\/p>\n

Faza 3 – Hyrja n\u00eb polemika publike. OJF-ja fillon t\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyj\u00eb n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje publike t\u00eb ndjeshme dhe t\u00eb diskutueshme. Pozicionet paraqiten si \u201cmorale\u201d, \u201cshkencore\u201d ose \u201chumanitare\u201d, jo politike. Legjitimiteti i akumuluar funksionon si mburoj\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

Faza 4 \u2013 Politizimi indirekt. OJF-ja, p\u00ebrmes bart\u00ebsve t\u00eb imazhit t\u00eb saj, fillon t\u00eb sugjeroj\u00eb politika publike, drejtime operacionaledhe opsione konkrete politike, duke ruajtur fiksionin e neutralitetit qytetar. OJF-ja ose i ashtuquajturi p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues i ngritur n\u00eb platform\u00ebn e saj b\u00ebhet maja hesht\u00ebs e fushatave propagandistike dhe masave aktive.<\/span><\/p>\n

Faza 5 \u2013 Transferimi i personelit. Nga platforma e OJF-s\u00eb lan\u00e7ohen figura \u201ct\u00eb reja\u201d, \u201ct\u00eb pastra\u201d, \u201ct\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile\u201d, t\u00eb cilat hyjn\u00eb n\u00eb politik\u00eb ose administrat\u00eb. Operacioni arrin pjekurin\u00eb: elita politike t\u00eb ngritura artificialisht, me kapital moral dhe profesional t\u00eb parafabrikuar.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00c7el\u00ebsi i mekanizmit: N\u00eb secil\u00ebn faz\u00eb vepron i nj\u00ebjti refleks frenues: \u201cSi mund t\u2019i kritikosh njer\u00ebzit q\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb mir\u00eb? A nuk e sheh \u00e7\u2019kauz\u00ebt\u00eb past\u00ebr mbrojn\u00eb?!\u201d Ky refleks \u00ebsht\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht instrumenti kryesor i manipulimit.<\/span><\/p>\n

Tani le t\u00eb hedhim nj\u00eb v\u00ebshtrim t\u00ebr\u00ebsor:<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Deri m\u00eb tani kemi ndjekur funksionimin e nj\u00eb entiteti t\u00eb vet\u00ebm, nj\u00eb OJF-je \u201ct\u00eb mir\u00eb\u201d. Pyetja thelb\u00ebsore \u00ebsht\u00eb: \u00e7far\u00eb ndodh kur nuk kemi m\u00eb nj\u00eb rast t\u00eb izoluar, por nj\u00eb sistem t\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb, nj\u00eb rrjet t\u00eb shtrir\u00eb n\u00eb nivelin e nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebrie?<\/span><\/p>\n

P\u00ebrgjigjja \u00ebsht\u00eb relativisht e thjesht\u00eb: nj\u00eb infrastruktur\u00eb paralele e influenc\u00ebs politike shfaqet n\u00eb nivelin shoq\u00ebror ose komb\u00ebtar.<\/span><\/p>\n

Dimensioni qytetar dhe joqeveritar \u00ebsht\u00eb kapur nga dera e pasme dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb shnd\u00ebrruar n\u00eb nj\u00eb mekaniz\u00ebm q\u00eb vepron sipas parametrave t\u00eb paracaktuar si burim strategjik p\u00ebr manipulim, devijim dhe propagand\u00eb n\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn publike dhe, nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht, si forc\u00eb politike indirekte n\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn e vendimmarrjes.<\/span><\/p>\n

Shoq\u00ebria civile pushon s\u00eb qeni nj\u00eb korrigjues spontan, plural dhe organik dhe b\u00ebhet nj\u00eb sistem i koordinuar, me mesazhe t\u00eb sinkronizuara, tema t\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebritura, bart\u00ebs imazheshq\u00eb riprodhohen her\u00eb pas here, si dhe me nj\u00eb kapacitet t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u00eb imponuar agjenda, p\u00ebr t\u00eb bllokuar debate dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb delegjitimuar \u00e7do form\u00eb opozite.<\/span><\/p>\n

Le ta amplifikojm\u00eb imazhin: t\u00eb shtojm\u00eb edhe mass-madiat e t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtit lloj, intelektual\u00ebt publik\u00eb, influencuesit, \u201cekspert\u00ebt\u201d. Nj\u00eb rrjet i t\u00ebr\u00eb transsektorial: pushtet politik real i ushtruar pa p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi politike formale, ndikim masiv pa nj\u00eb mandat demokratik dhe kolonizim gradual i hap\u00ebsir\u00ebs publike n\u00ebn mask\u00ebn e mir\u00ebsis\u00eb, neutralitetit dhe virtytit qytetar.<\/span><\/p>\n

Funksionet operacionale<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

P\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar funksionimin e nj\u00eb sektori t\u00eb parafabrikuar dhe t\u00eb kontrolluar politikisht t\u00eb OJF-ve \u00ebsht\u00eb e nevojshme ta shohim at\u00eb si nj\u00eb entitet funksional, me role t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktuara mir\u00eb:<\/span><\/p>\n

11.a) Rezerv\u00eb personeli. OJF-t\u00eb funksionojn\u00eb si fidanishte t\u00eb personelit politik dhe administrativ. Aktor\u00ebt e ardhsh\u00ebm politik\u00eb zgjidhen, trajnohen, testohen dhe legjitimohen publikisht, pa u ekspozuar ndaj rreziqeve t\u00eb konkurrenc\u00ebs s\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb demokratike.<\/span><\/p>\n

2.b) Trupa godit\u00ebse. Rrjeti i OJF-ve mund t\u00eb aktivizohet shpejt p\u00ebr presion t\u00eb koordinuar publik: protesta, letra t\u00eb hapura, apele morale, skandale mediatike. Nd\u00ebrhyrje t\u00eb shpejta, t\u00eb sinkronizuara, me paraqitje spontane.<\/span><\/p>\n

3.c) Tryez\u00eb manovrimi. Mobilizim i kontrolluar i vullnetar\u00ebve, i mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebsve dhe i publikut t\u00eb gjer\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb amplifikuar artificialisht tema t\u00eb caktuara, duke krijuar p\u00ebrshtypjen e konsensusit ose urgjenc\u00ebs morale.<\/span><\/p>\n

4.d) Aparat propagande. Prodhim dhe shp\u00ebrndarje e narrativave, kornizave interpretuese dhe gjuh\u00ebs normative (“\u00e7far\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e pranueshme”, “\u00e7far\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb toksike”, “\u00e7far\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e frekuentueshme”, “\u00e7far\u00eb nuk diskutohet”). Legjitimiteti moral z\u00ebvend\u00ebson analiz\u00ebn kritike.<\/span><\/p>\n

5.e) Instrument i \u201cmasave aktive\u201d. OJF-t\u00eb p\u00ebrdoren p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrhyrje indirekte: delegjitimim i kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebve, fragmentim i opozit\u00ebs, testim i reagimeve publike, ndikim n\u00eb vendime pa angazhim formal politik.<\/span><\/p>\n

6.f) Mjet i fushatave publike. Kryerja e fushatave tematike me ndikim t\u00eb lart\u00eb emocional, t\u00eb paraqitura si qytetare ose humanitare, por t\u00eb p\u00ebrafruara strategjikisht me objektiva politike ose ideologjike.<\/span><\/p>\n

Thelbi i mekanizmit: Pushtet politik real i ushtruar p\u00ebrmes mbules\u00ebs pa p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi politike, n\u00ebn mbules\u00ebn e s\u00eb mir\u00ebs publike dhe neutralitetit qytetar.<\/span><\/p>\n

Si ta kuptojm\u00eb q\u00eb nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri ka r\u00ebn\u00eb viktim\u00eb e kapjes?<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Kapja, sigurisht, mund t\u00eb kryhet nga aktor\u00eb t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm dhe p\u00ebrmes strukturave t\u00eb ndryshme, me interesa dhe objektiva t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm. Pyetja e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00ebse ekziston influenca, por kur kjo influenc\u00eb d\u00ebshmon pranin\u00eb e nj\u00eb entiteti koherent dhe t\u00eb koordinuar, t\u00eb llojit t\u00eb shtetit paralel ose t\u00eb rrjetit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar. P\u00ebrgjigjja mund t\u00eb formulohet prej nj\u00eb rrethanet\u00eb thjesht\u00eb statistikore.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ekziston nj\u00eb mjet heuristik relativisht elementar: nga nj\u00eb k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrim statistikor, shoq\u00ebria civile duhet t\u00eb pasqyroj\u00eb, grossomodo, shp\u00ebrndarjet normale t\u00eb opinioneve, t\u00eb vlerave dhe t\u00eb pozicioneve q\u00eb ekzistojn\u00eb n\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb reale.<\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00eb nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri funksionale opinionet jan\u00eb t\u00eb shp\u00ebrndara, pozicionet jan\u00eb t\u00eb larmishme dhe konfliktet jan\u00eb t\u00eb dukshme sheshit. Konsensusi i gjer\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb i rrall\u00eb dhe zakonisht shfaqet vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtje v\u00ebrtet themelore. Pluralizmi, f\u00ebrkimet dhe mosmarr\u00ebveshjet nuk jan\u00eb mosfunksionime, por shprehje t\u00eb natyrshme t\u00eb nj\u00eb strukture shoq\u00ebrore t\u00eb sh\u00ebndetshme.<\/span><\/p>\n

Sinjali i alarmit shfaqet kur sektori i vet\u00ebshpallur \u201cqytetar\u201d b\u00ebhet n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb anormale homogjen ideologjikisht, i p\u00ebrafruar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrsosur p\u00ebr nga narrativa dhe i sinkronizuar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb refleksive n\u00eb momente krize. Kur t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtat tema, t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtat formulime dhe t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtat pozicione shfaqen nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht, pavar\u00ebsisht nga konteksti, p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb linjave t\u00eb paracaktuara t\u00eb propagand\u00ebs.<\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb pik\u00eb shoq\u00ebria civile pushon s\u00eb qeni pasqyr\u00eb e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb reale dhe b\u00ebhet nj\u00eb shtremb\u00ebrim statistikor: nj\u00eb fush\u00eb q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb kishte ndjekur nj\u00eb shp\u00ebrndarje normale n\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb funksionon si nj\u00eb shp\u00ebrndarje e cunguar dhe e drejtuar.<\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00eb p\u00ebrfundim<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Kurthi i mjaltit dhe “OJF-ja e mir\u00eb” duken instrumente t\u00eb ndryshme, por ato i p\u00ebrkasin t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtit set mjetesh. E para vepron n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet kompromisit dhe shantazhit, duke p\u00ebrdorur dob\u00ebsit\u00eb private p\u00ebr kontroll t\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb. E dyta vepron n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet kapitalit moral dhe legjitimitetit publik, duke p\u00ebrdorur kauza fisnike p\u00ebr ndikim indirekt dhe pushtet politik pa mandat.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ndryshimi q\u00ebndron te metoda, ngjashm\u00ebria te funksioni. T\u00eb dyja anashkalojn\u00eb mekanizmat transparent\u00eb t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb, t\u00eb dyja prodhojn\u00eb pushtet pa llogaridh\u00ebnie, t\u00eb dyja funksionojn\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb efektive pik\u00ebrisht sepse fshihen: nj\u00ebra n\u00eb zon\u00ebn e tabus\u00eb, tjetra n\u00eb zon\u00ebn e virtytit.<\/span><\/p>\n

Dallimi n\u00eb stil nuk e ndryshon thelbin: jan\u00eb instrumente p\u00ebrplot\u00ebsuese t\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtit lloj operacioni: kontroll shoq\u00ebror dhe influenc\u00eb politike dhe ekonomike jodemokratike, me mjete t\u00eb t\u00ebrthorta, i v\u00ebshtir\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u kund\u00ebrshtuar dhe edhe m\u00eb i v\u00ebshtir\u00eb p\u00ebr t’u ekspozuar.<\/span><\/p>\n

*Dragos Paul Aligica \u00ebsht\u00eb KPMG profesor i Qeverisjes n\u00eb Universitetin e Bukureshtit. Prej vitit 2023 \u00ebsht\u00eb an\u00ebtar i Akademis\u00eb s\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs (Academia Europaea).\u00a0<\/span><\/em><\/p>\n

Ky shkrim \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrkthyer dhe publikohet n\u00eb Hashtag.al<\/span> me lejen e autorit\u00a0<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false,"gt_translate_keys":[{"key":"rendered","format":"html"}]},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

*Nga Paul Dragos Aigica Rasti Epstein ka nxjerr\u00eb n\u00eb pah nj\u00eb mekaniz\u00ebm t\u00eb vjet\u00ebr, por rrall\u00eb t\u00eb diskutuar hapur: “kurthin e mjaltit” – nj\u00eb teknik\u00eb kompromisi dhe kontrolli me an\u00eb t\u00eb s\u00eb cil\u00ebs njer\u00ebz me influenc\u00eb joshen q\u00ebllimisht n\u00eb situata t\u00eb paligjshme ose thell\u00ebsisht komprometuese, t\u00eb dokumentuara sistematikisht, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb m\u00eb von\u00eb t\u00eb mund […]<\/p>\n","protected":false,"gt_translate_keys":[{"key":"rendered","format":"html"}]},"author":49,"featured_media":784805,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[22,11],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-784804","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-ballina","category-super-click"],"gt_translate_keys":[{"key":"link","format":"url"}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/784804","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/49"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=784804"}],"version-history":[{"count":99999,"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/784804\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":784876,"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/784804\/revisions\/784876"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/784805"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=784804"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=784804"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=784804"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}