{"id":530643,"date":"2022-06-17T20:36:45","date_gmt":"2022-06-17T18:36:45","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/?p=530643"},"modified":"2022-06-17T20:40:50","modified_gmt":"2022-06-17T18:40:50","slug":"ballkani-i-hapur-nuk-eshte-thjesht-i-pamatur-eshte-i-rrezikshem","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/2022\/06\/17\/ballkani-i-hapur-nuk-eshte-thjesht-i-pamatur-eshte-i-rrezikshem\/","title":{"rendered":"Ballkani i Hapur nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb thjesht i pamatur, \u00ebsht\u00eb i rreziksh\u00ebm","gt_translate_keys":[{"key":"rendered","format":"text"}]},"content":{"rendered":"

\"\"<\/span><\/p>\n

Nga Edward P. Joseph<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00cbsht\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb nj\u00eb ide e mir\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb shkuar n\u00eb ajrin e past\u00ebr dhe uj\u00ebrat e kristalta t\u00eb Liqenit t\u00eb Ohrit, nj\u00eb nga vendet m\u00eb t\u00eb bukur n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb. Fatkeq\u00ebsisht, arsyeja p\u00ebr mbledhjen e jav\u00ebs s\u00eb kaluar t\u00eb lider\u00ebve nga rajoni (Ballkani i Hapur) nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb ide e mir\u00eb. N\u00eb fakt, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb as nj\u00eb em\u00ebr i mir\u00eb. Edhe zyrtar\u00ebt jan\u00eb t\u00eb hutuar n\u00ebse emri \u00ebsht\u00eb ‘Open Balkan’ (q\u00eb ting\u00ebllon si komand\u00eb) apo ‘Open Balkans\u2019 (q\u00eb ting\u00ebllon si nj\u00eb p\u00ebrshkrim).<\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00eb fakt, Ballkani i Hapur \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb form\u00eb iluzioni, n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn t\u00eb gjith\u00eb bashk\u00ebpun\u00ebtor\u00ebt entuziast\u00eb-p\u00ebrve\u00e7 liderave- e paaft\u00ebsojn\u00eb gradualisht veten, derisa t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb pafuqish\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u2019i rezistuar rendit t\u00eb ri. Si\u00e7 ndodh me \u00e7do kult apo mod\u00eb, mosp\u00ebrputhjet e dukshme jan\u00eb l\u00ebn\u00eb m\u00ebnjan\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

E para \u00ebsht\u00eb pabarazia ekonomike. Dy nga tre pjes\u00ebmarr\u00ebsit, Shqip\u00ebria dhe Maqedonia e Veriut, kan\u00eb PBB, q\u00eb \u2013 t\u00eb kombinuara \u2013mezi \u00a0b\u00ebhen sa gjysma e pjes\u00ebmarr\u00ebsit kryesor, Serbis\u00eb. Kjo do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se nd\u00ebrsa t\u00eb tre vendet do t\u00eb p\u00ebrfitojn\u00eb nga nj\u00eb treg i p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt, ose zon\u00eb tregtare, Serbia do t\u00eb p\u00ebrfitoj\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

Tregu serb \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb i madh dhe gjithmon\u00eb do t\u00eb jet\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb t\u00ebrheq\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb investime t\u00eb huaja (nj\u00eb nga synimet kryesore t\u00eb tregut t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt) dhe t\u00eb prodhoj\u00eb mallra me vler\u00eb t\u00eb shtuar (p\u00ebr eksport brenda dhe jasht\u00eb tregut rajonal). Diferencat e pagave nuk jan\u00eb mjaftuesh\u00ebm t\u00eb larta p\u00ebr t\u00eb kompensuar avantazhet e investimit n\u00eb ekonomin\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe dhe m\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrparuar t\u00eb gjasht\u00eb vendeve t\u00eb Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor.<\/span><\/p>\n

Me fjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjera, nj\u00eb val\u00eb n\u00eb rritje do t\u00eb zmadhoj\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha varkat, por nj\u00eb vark\u00eb \u2013 Serbia \u2013 do t\u00eb b\u00ebhet anije.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ekonomia politike e rajonit t\u00eb sot\u00ebm t\u00eb Ballkanit \u2013 e ndar\u00eb n\u00eb shtat\u00eb vende t\u00eb pavarura (nj\u00ebra prej t\u00eb cilave, Kosova, nuk njihet nga Serbia apo nga Bosnja dhe Hercegovina)\u2013 \u00ebsht\u00eb e ndryshme. N\u00eb vend t\u00eb lidhjes fizike, ekonomike dhe politike, shtetet e vogla t\u00eb rajonit jan\u00eb shkat\u00ebrruar. Unifikimi i tyre n\u00eb nj\u00eb treg do t\u00eb krijonte efikasitet, do t\u00eb t\u00ebrhiqte investime dhe do t\u00eb rriste rritjen.<\/span><\/p>\n

Fuqia mbik\u00ebqyr\u00ebse, synimet dhe vlerat mbik\u00ebqyr\u00ebse<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Detyra e lidhjes rajonale duhet t\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb element themelor i strategjis\u00eb s\u00eb udh\u00ebhequr nga Bashkimi Evropian pas luft\u00ebs p\u00ebr rajonin. T\u00eb pakt\u00ebn deri n\u00eb vitin 2020, n\u00eb Samitin e Sofjes, BE-ja i dha p\u00ebrpar\u00ebsi bashk\u00ebpunimit dhe lidhjes rajonale, t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetur nga angazhimi serioz financiar \u2013 Plani Ekonomik dhe Investues prej 30 miliard\u00eb eurosh.<\/span><\/p>\n

Samiti i Sofjes pa p\u00ebrkushtimin nga 6 vendet e Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor p\u00ebr nj\u00eb treg t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt rajonal n\u00eb nj\u00eb kuad\u00ebr tjet\u00ebr-\u201cProcesi i Berlinit\u201d-i udh\u00ebhequr nga Gjermania dhe i lidhur integralisht me rregullat dhe normat e BE-s\u00eb. Me fjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjera, t\u00eb gjitha vendet e BP \u2013 jo vet\u00ebm tre apo kat\u00ebr-kishin p\u00ebrqafuar tashm\u00eb nj\u00eb treg t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt rajonal, t\u00eb shkrir\u00eb me synimin e an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit dhe p\u00ebrkushtimit ndaj vlerave t\u00eb bllokut gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebs t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb dizajn i till\u00eb, me nj\u00eb fuqi mbizot\u00ebruese dhe q\u00ebllime dhe vlera mbizot\u00ebruese, \u00ebsht\u00eb kund\u00ebrhelmi ndaj pak\u00ebnaq\u00ebsive t\u00eb hidhura si ato n\u00eb ish-Jugosllavi. Aft\u00ebsia dhe tundimi p\u00ebr t\u00eb shfryt\u00ebzuar fuqin\u00eb ekonomike \u2013 ose p\u00ebr t\u00eb ushqyer inatet nga p\u00ebrfitimet e pabarabarta ekonomike- do t\u00eb pak\u00ebsohej nga rritja e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt e vlerave dhe reformave t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

Nevoja p\u00ebr pushtet mbikqyr\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbuluar mosbesimin ishte n\u00eb thelb t\u00eb Planit t\u00eb famsh\u00ebm “Schuman”, i cili ishte pararend\u00ebs i BE-s\u00eb \u2013 modeli m\u00eb i suksessh\u00ebm i krijuar ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb p\u00ebr arritjen e rritjes ekonomike dhe bashk\u00ebpunimit politik midis nd\u00ebrluftuesve t\u00eb m\u00ebparsh\u00ebm.<\/span><\/p>\n

Pas Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore, Franca ushqeu frik\u00ebn e fuqis\u00eb s\u00eb ringjallur gjermane q\u00eb rrjedh nga aksesi n\u00eb prodhimin e qymyrit dhe \u00e7elikut n\u00eb Lugin\u00ebn e Ruhrit dhe Saarland. Plani Schuman adresoi shqet\u00ebsimet franceze dhe k\u00ebrkesat gjermane duke e vendosur prodhimin e qymyrit dhe \u00e7elikut n\u00ebn nj\u00eb Autoritet t\u00eb Lart\u00eb mbikomb\u00ebtar q\u00eb p\u00ebrfundimisht u b\u00eb Komuniteti Evropian i Qymyrit dhe \u00c7elikut, dhe m\u00eb von\u00eb Komuniteti Ekonomik Evropian, p\u00ebrpara se t\u00eb evoluonte p\u00ebrfundimisht n\u00eb BE-n\u00eb e sotme.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cBallkani i hapur\u201d e kthen k\u00ebt\u00eb precedent t\u00eb suksessh\u00ebm mbi kok\u00ebn e tij, duke hedhur posht\u00eb \u00e7do mekaniz\u00ebm mbikomb\u00ebtar t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb besimit (si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb Procesi i Berlinit) n\u00eb favor t\u00eb reduktimit t\u00eb menj\u00ebhersh\u00ebm t\u00eb barrierave. Filozofia themelore, e \u201cungjill\u00ebzuar\u201d nga Richard Grenell, ish-i d\u00ebrguari i administrat\u00ebs Trump, dhe tani i p\u00ebrqafuar nga Administrata e Bidenit, \u00ebsht\u00eb se tregtia dhe krijimi i vendeve t\u00eb pun\u00ebs kap\u00ebrcejn\u00eb mosbesimin.<\/span><\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb v\u00ebshtrim n\u00eb luft\u00ebn e furishme n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb, e cila tregtonte shum\u00eb me Rusin\u00eb deri n\u00eb pushtim, e hedh posht\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb koncept. N\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb ngjashme, tregtia midis Kin\u00ebs dhe fqinj\u00ebve t\u00eb saj demokratik\u00eb, Japonis\u00eb, Kores\u00eb s\u00eb Jugut dhe Tajvanit ka shp\u00ebrthyer, ashtu si besimi midis Pekinit dhe fqinj\u00ebve t\u00eb tij ka r\u00ebn\u00eb ndjesh\u00ebm.<\/span><\/p>\n

E nj\u00ebjta dinamik\u00eb vlen edhe n\u00eb Ballkan. N\u00ebse tregtia do t\u00eb ishte e barabart\u00eb me besimin, at\u00ebher\u00eb Serbia-e cila \u00ebsht\u00eb partneri tregtar num\u00ebr nj\u00eb i Malit t\u00eb Zi, p\u00ebr eksportet dhe importet – do t\u00eb kishte tashm\u00eb nj\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie besimi me partnerin e saj tregtar shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb vog\u00ebl. N\u00eb vend t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj, malazez\u00ebt e perceptojn\u00eb me sakt\u00ebsi Beogradin si nj\u00eb grabitqar.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ajo q\u00eb ka r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet tregtare \u00ebsht\u00eb karakteri i partnerit tregtar, demokratik apo autoritar. Gjermania Per\u00ebndimore gradualisht evoluoi n\u00eb fuqin\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb fort\u00eb ekonomike t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs \u2013 dhe nj\u00eb demokraci udh\u00ebheq\u00ebse q\u00eb nuk e shfryt\u00ebzoi at\u00eb fuqi p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbysur fqinj\u00ebt e saj \u2013 fal\u00eb nj\u00eb regjimi t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar mbi interesat e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta, vlerat demokratike dhe realizmin, jo besnik\u00ebrin\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

Me Ballkanin e Hapur, SHBA po promovon nj\u00eb regjim tregtar t\u00eb udh\u00ebhequr me entuziaz\u00ebm nga nj\u00eb autokrat, presidenti serb Aleksandar Vu\u00e7i\u00e7, i cili minon rendin per\u00ebndimor p\u00ebr rajonin.<\/span><\/p>\n

P\u00ebrpara 24 shkurtit, mb\u00ebshtetja p\u00ebr Ballkanin e Hapur ishte naive; pas 24 shkurtit, \u00ebsht\u00eb neglizhenc\u00eb. Beogradi \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtim t\u00eb hapur ndaj detyrimeve t\u00eb tij ndaj BE-s\u00eb si nj\u00eb kandidat p\u00ebr t\u00eb aplikuar sanksione ndaj Rusis\u00eb. Jo vet\u00ebm q\u00eb Vu\u00e7i\u00e7 refuzon me forc\u00eb t\u00eb sanksionoj\u00eb Mosk\u00ebn, por ai kultivon n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb aktive partneritetin e tij t\u00eb vazhduesh\u00ebm strategjik me Vladimir Putinin, i pari n\u00eb pjes\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr t\u00eb kontinentit dhe p\u00ebrtej Atlantikut.<\/span><\/p>\n

Z\u00ebdh\u00ebn\u00ebsi i Vu\u00e7i\u00e7it, ministri i Brendsh\u00ebm Aleksandar Vulin, sulmoi verbalisht ambasadorin e SHBA-s\u00eb Christopher Hill dhe l\u00ebshoi nj\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim flagrant kund\u00ebr SHBA-s\u00eb p\u00ebr sanksionet.<\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00eb nj\u00eb moment kur lufta e Rusis\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnon rendin per\u00ebndimor dhe madje edhe at\u00eb global, nocioni i marrjes s\u00eb nj\u00eb skeme t\u00eb dyshimt\u00eb tregtare me aleatin num\u00ebr nj\u00eb t\u00eb Putinit n\u00eb Ballkan \u2013 dhe ndoshta n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb (sikurse edhe kryeministri hungarez Viktor Orban ka vendosur sanksione) \u2013 \u00ebsht\u00eb shqet\u00ebsuese.<\/span><\/p>\n

Lufta e Rusis\u00eb n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb moment p\u00ebr t\u00eb zgjedhur \u2013 dhe, deri m\u00eb tani, Vu\u00e7i\u00e7 ka b\u00ebr\u00eb zgjedhjen e tij. Autokrati serb duhet t\u00eb shikohet si ushtar i nj\u00eb krimineli lufte, jo si partner.<\/span><\/p>\n

Zem\u00ebrmir\u00ebsia shqet\u00ebsuese me Vu\u00e7i\u00e7in ngre pabarazin\u00eb e tret\u00eb \u2013 at\u00eb midis fqinj\u00ebve t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb q\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb Ballkanin e Hapur dhe atyre q\u00eb nuk e b\u00ebjn\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb. P\u00ebrkrah\u00ebsit theksojn\u00eb p\u00ebrqafimin e Ballkanit t\u00eb Hapur nga Shqip\u00ebria dhe Maqedonia e Veriut, si dhe kryeministri i ri i Malit t\u00eb Zi, Dritan Abazovic, si d\u00ebshmi se dyshimet mes malazez\u00ebve, boshnjak\u00ebve dhe kosovar\u00ebve jan\u00eb t\u00eb pabaza. Ka nj\u00eb shpjegim p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb enigm\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

Shqiptar\u00ebt (n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, Mal t\u00eb Zi dhe Maqedonin\u00eb e Veriut) dhe maqedonasit nuk ndajn\u00eb ankthet p\u00ebr dominimin ekonomik serb, sepse ata nuk p\u00ebrballen me k\u00ebrc\u00ebnime t\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejta nga autoritarizmi i Vu\u00e7i\u00e7it.<\/span><\/p>\n

Duke par\u00eb t\u00eb bllokuar rrug\u00ebn e tyre drejt BE-s\u00eb, maqedonasit jan\u00eb t\u00eb gatsh\u00ebm t\u00eb shkojn\u00eb s\u00eb bashku me Ballkanin e Hapur; integrimi mes 6 vendeve t\u00eb BP sh\u00ebrben si nj\u00eb tampon kund\u00ebr nacionalizmit grabitqar bullgar. P\u00ebrve\u00e7 k\u00ebsaj, njohja e fundit e Kish\u00ebs Ortodokse Maqedonase nga Kisha Ortodokse Serbe ka rritur marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet n\u00eb nj\u00eb koh\u00eb kur identiteti maqedonas \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00ebn sulm nga Bullgaria, gjithashtu rivalja e Serbis\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

E udh\u00ebhequr nga kryeministri Edi Rama, Shqip\u00ebria mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb nj\u00eb interes afirmativ n\u00eb ‘bashk\u00ebpunimin rajonal’ t\u00eb stilit t\u00eb Ballkanit t\u00eb Hapur. Me kalimin e koh\u00ebs, nj\u00eb regjim tregtar t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht jasht\u00eb kuadrit t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb do ta l\u00ebr\u00eb nacionalizmin serb n\u00ebn Vu\u00e7i\u00e7 t\u00eb drejtuar t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht n\u00eb ruajtjen e status quo-s\u00eb. mbi Kosov\u00ebn. Ashtu si\u00e7 ndodhi me \u2018shk\u00ebmbimin e tok\u00ebs\u2019 t\u00eb vitit 2019, SHBA-ja dhe BE-ja \u2013 t\u00eb m\u00ebrzitura p\u00ebrher\u00eb nga mosmarr\u00ebveshjet e lodhshme t\u00eb Ballkanit \u2013 mund t\u00eb pranojn\u00eb s\u00ebrish ndarjen, t\u00eb nxitur nga t\u00eb huajt q\u00eb pretendojn\u00eb se \u201czgjidh nj\u00eb konflikt t\u00eb ngrir\u00eb\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ndarja hap automatikisht \u2018Bashkimin e Kosov\u00ebs dhe Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb\u2019, me fjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjera, Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb e Madhe \u2013 nj\u00eb zgjidhje e pajtueshme me Serbin\u00eb e Madhe pasi Kosova t\u00eb ndahet.<\/span><\/p>\n

Nuk duhet t\u00eb ket\u00eb ndonj\u00eb takim t\u00eb fsheht\u00eb mes Ram\u00ebs dhe Vu\u00e7i\u00e7it t\u00eb llojit t\u00eb Karagjorgjev\u00ebs mes Franjo Tugjman dhe Slobodan Milloshevi\u00e7it n\u00eb prag t\u00eb r\u00ebnies s\u00eb Jugosllavis\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00ebn nj\u00eb Beograd ekonomikisht m\u00eb t\u00eb fuqish\u00ebm \u2013 t\u00eb pakufizuar nga asnj\u00eb korniz\u00eb e BE-s\u00eb, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 kandidatur\u00ebs s\u00eb Vu\u00e7i\u00e7it n\u00eb BE \u2013 perspektivat p\u00ebr njohje reciproke n\u00eb dialogun e nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsuar nga BE jan\u00eb edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb larg\u00ebta. N\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, n\u00ebnshkrimi i marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb ‘Normalizimit Ekonomik’ n\u00eb Shtator 2020 n\u00eb Sht\u00ebpin\u00eb e Bardh\u00eb t\u00eb Trump, nuk b\u00ebri asgj\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb zbutur armiq\u00ebsin\u00eb e Beogradit ndaj Prishtin\u00ebs, edhe pse Kosova drejtohej at\u00ebher\u00eb nga kryeministri bashk\u00ebpunues Avdullah Hoti, nj\u00eb ekonomist.<\/span><\/p>\n

Reklama e bujshme mbi “Marr\u00ebveshjen e Uashingtonit” u pasua shpejt nga (me miratimin e Vu\u00e7i\u00e7) sharjet anti-kosovare nga Vulin dhe ish-ministri i Jasht\u00ebm Ivica Da\u00e7i\u00e7, i rip\u00ebrt\u00ebrir\u00eb nga vitet e luft\u00ebs.<\/span><\/p>\n

P\u00ebrfundimisht, politik\u00ebb\u00ebr\u00ebsit per\u00ebndimor\u00eb t\u00eb frustruar \u2013 duke par\u00eb q\u00eb Serbia nuk do t\u00eb l\u00ebviz\u00eb \u2013 do t\u00eb pyesin dhe do t\u00eb pyeten: \u2018Pse t\u00eb mos jemi \u2018praktik\u00eb\u2019 p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn?\u2019<\/span><\/p>\n

Rivali i Ram\u00ebs n\u00eb Prishtin\u00eb, kryeministri i Kosov\u00ebs, Albin Kurti, \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithashtu nj\u00eb nacionalist mbar\u00ebshqiptar q\u00eb promovon \u2018Bashkimin e Kosov\u00ebs dhe Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb\u2019.<\/span><\/p>\n

Kurti, si shumica e kosovar\u00ebve, nuk d\u00ebshiron ta shoh\u00eb Kosov\u00ebn t\u00eb ndar\u00eb, pjes\u00ebrisht sepse kjo do t\u00eb shfaj\u00ebsonte politik\u00ebn nacionaliste serbe n\u00ebn Milloshevi\u00e7in \u2013 e ringjallur nga Vu\u00e7i\u00e7, nj\u00eb mbrojt\u00ebs i ultra-nacionalistit Vojisllav Sheshel. Shfaj\u00ebsimi i Serbis\u00eb s\u00eb Madhe n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb do t\u00eb b\u00ebnte t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn gj\u00eb p\u00ebr ambiciet nacionaliste serbe n\u00eb Bosnje dhe Mal t\u00eb Zi.<\/span><\/p>\n

Fitore p\u00ebr Rusin\u00eb<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

E gjith\u00eb kjo do t\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb fitore p\u00ebr presidentin rus Vladimir Putin dhe vizionin e Putinit p\u00ebr Ballkanin dhe Evrop\u00ebn. Moska n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi mb\u00ebshtet iniciativat per\u00ebndimore n\u00eb rajon p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilat Kremlini beson se nuk mund t\u00eb funksionojn\u00eb, si Dialogu i udh\u00ebhequr nga BE-ja, ose ato q\u00eb avancojn\u00eb agjend\u00ebn ruse.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ministri i Jasht\u00ebm rus Sergej Lavrov, n\u00eb terma t\u00eb prer\u00eb, koh\u00ebt e fundit pohoi mb\u00ebshtetjen e Mosk\u00ebs p\u00ebr Ballkanin e Hapur. Kjo nuk ka ndodhur nj\u00eb her\u00eb. Media kryesore e Rusis\u00eb n\u00eb Serbi, Sputnik Serbia, ka promovuar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebritur ‘Ballkanin e Hapur’, si\u00e7 vun\u00eb n\u00eb dukje Srdjan Darmanovic dhe Andelka Rogac n\u00eb raportin e tyre CEDEM mbi ‘Gjurm\u00ebn digjitale ruse n\u00eb Ballkan’. \u201cVu\u00e7iq: ‘Ballkani i hapur’ do t\u00eb funksionoj\u00eb, vet\u00ebm sepse askush p\u00ebrve\u00e7 nesh nuk e ka menduar at\u00eb’.<\/span><\/p>\n

Si\u00e7 e ka b\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb qart\u00eb, Ram\u00ebs nuk i intereson asgj\u00eb nga k\u00ebto. P\u00ebr momentin, gjith\u00e7ka q\u00eb duan ai dhe p\u00ebrkrah\u00ebsit e tjer\u00eb t\u00eb Ballkanit t\u00eb Hapur jan\u00eb \u2018rezultatet\u2019. Fatkeq\u00ebsisht, pavar\u00ebsisht nga t\u00eb gjitha rr\u00ebmujat rreth Ballkanit t\u00eb Hapur ajo nuk ka dh\u00ebn\u00eb shum\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

Avokati nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar serb Relja Radovic koh\u00ebt e fundit ekspozoi natyr\u00ebn e zbraz\u00ebt t\u00eb Ballkanit t\u00eb Hapur me emrin madh\u00ebshtor, ‘Marr\u00ebveshja p\u00ebr Kushtet p\u00ebr Qasje t\u00eb Lir\u00eb n\u00eb Tregun e Pun\u00ebs n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor’. Si\u00e7 shpjegon Radovic, q\u00ebllimi i supozuar i qasjes t\u00eb lir\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrpunuar zyrtarisht n\u00eb terma, dhe “mbetet n\u00eb nivelin e d\u00ebshirave t\u00eb mira”.<\/span><\/p>\n

Mungesa e progresit \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithashtu zhg\u00ebnjyese, sepse e gjith\u00eb ideja e ‘Ballkanit t\u00eb Hapur’ ishte t\u00eb kalonte ritmin e ngadalt\u00eb t\u00eb ‘Procesit t\u00eb Berlinit’ me sa duket nuk jan\u00eb ndjekur.<\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00eb fund, Ballkani i Hapur i ofron Aleksandar Vu\u00e7i\u00e7it mund\u00ebsin\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb realizuar iluzionin e stabilitetit bashk\u00ebpunues n\u00eb Ballkan duke nd\u00ebrtuar kushtet p\u00ebr destabilitet. \u00cbsht\u00eb koha p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndaluar ndezjen e gazit dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb ringjallur llojin e proceseve \u2013 t\u00eb bazuara n\u00eb realitet \u2013 q\u00eb \u00e7uan Franc\u00ebn dhe Gjermanin\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtonin themelet e Bashkimit Evropian. Nuk ka asnj\u00eb arsye q\u00eb Ballkani t\u00eb mos shoh\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin transformim.<\/span><\/p>\n

Edward P. Joseph jep m\u00ebsim n\u00eb menaxhimin e konfliktit n\u00eb Shkoll\u00ebn Johns Hopkins t\u00eb Studimeve t\u00eb Avancuara Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Ai sh\u00ebrbeu p\u00ebr nj\u00eb duzin\u00eb vjet n\u00eb Ballkan, n\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha zonat e konfliktit, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb edhe detyr\u00ebn aktive me ushtrin\u00eb amerikane. Nga viti 2010 deri n\u00eb vitin 2012, ai ishte Z\u00ebvend\u00ebs Shefi i Misionit t\u00eb OSBE-s\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb i em\u00ebruar nga SHBA.<\/em><\/span><\/p>\n

Mendimet e shprehura jan\u00eb vet\u00ebm t\u00eb autorit dhe nuk pasqyrojn\u00eb domosdoshm\u00ebrisht pik\u00ebpamjet e BIRN.<\/em><\/span><\/p>\n

VINI RE:<\/strong><\/span> Ky material \u00ebsht\u00eb pron\u00eb intelektuale e BIRN<\/a><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false,"gt_translate_keys":[{"key":"rendered","format":"html"}]},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Nga Edward P. Joseph \u00cbsht\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb nj\u00eb ide e mir\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb shkuar n\u00eb ajrin e past\u00ebr dhe uj\u00ebrat e kristalta t\u00eb Liqenit t\u00eb Ohrit, nj\u00eb nga vendet m\u00eb t\u00eb bukur n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb. Fatkeq\u00ebsisht, arsyeja p\u00ebr mbledhjen e jav\u00ebs s\u00eb kaluar t\u00eb lider\u00ebve nga rajoni (Ballkani i Hapur) nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb ide e mir\u00eb. N\u00eb […]<\/p>\n","protected":false,"gt_translate_keys":[{"key":"rendered","format":"html"}]},"author":32,"featured_media":530644,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[22,149,13],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-530643","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-ballina","category-kosoverajon","category-te-fundit"],"gt_translate_keys":[{"key":"link","format":"url"}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/530643","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/32"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=530643"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/530643\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/530644"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=530643"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=530643"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=530643"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}