{"id":513111,"date":"2022-03-24T09:23:17","date_gmt":"2022-03-24T08:23:17","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/?p=513111"},"modified":"2022-03-24T09:26:19","modified_gmt":"2022-03-24T08:26:19","slug":"ne-kerkim-te-filozofit-te-putinit","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/2022\/03\/24\/ne-kerkim-te-filozofit-te-putinit\/","title":{"rendered":"N\u00eb k\u00ebrkim t\u00eb filozofit t\u00eb Putinit","gt_translate_keys":[{"key":"rendered","format":"text"}]},"content":{"rendered":"

\"\"<\/span><\/em><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

*<\/span>Nga Marlene Laruelle<\/em><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Q\u00eb kur Vladimir Putin erdhi n\u00eb pushtet n\u00eb vitin 2000 dhe filloi t\u00eb rishpallte ndikimin e Rusis\u00eb n\u00eb sken\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, ekspert\u00ebt per\u00ebndimor\u00eb jan\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekur t\u00eb dallojn\u00eb \u2018trurin\u2019 ose \u2018gurun\u00eb\u2019 e presidentit rus, t\u00eb bindur se ata do t\u00eb ishin n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb identifikonin nj\u00eb personazh t\u00eb dyshimt\u00eb t\u00eb ngjash\u00ebm me \u2018Svengalin<\/span>\u2019<\/u> q\u00eb do e frym\u00ebzonte. <\/span><\/p>\n

Fatkeq\u00ebsisht, ky k\u00ebrkim \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb kauz\u00eb e humbur: Putini ka pasur disa \u2018kardinal\u00eb gri\u2019 – Vladislav Surkov ndoshta m\u00eb i famshmi – t\u00eb cil\u00ebt kan\u00eb ndihmuar gjat\u00eb viteve p\u00ebr t\u00eb formuar narrativ\u00ebn kryesore t\u00eb Rusis\u00eb dhe imazhin personal t\u00eb presidentit, por nuk ka asnj\u00eb burim t\u00eb vet\u00ebm ideologjik p\u00ebr t’u gjetur. P\u00ebrkundrazi, administrata presidenciale ruse kultivon nj\u00eb treg plural doktrinor me nj\u00eb tuf\u00eb k\u00ebshilltar\u00ebsh q\u00eb ofrojn\u00eb disa produkte t\u00eb p\u00ebrziera ideologjike p\u00ebr konsum publik.<\/span><\/p>\n

Personi i identifikuar m\u00eb shpesh si \u2018guruja\u2019 i Putinit ka qen\u00eb deri m\u00eb tani Alexander Dugin, gjeopolitiku euroazianist dhe fashist. Ekspert\u00ebt per\u00ebndimor\u00eb e kan\u00eb mbivler\u00ebsuar gabimisht ndikimin e Duginit p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb rolit t\u00eb tij n\u00eb popullarizimin e terminologjis\u00eb euroazianiste dhe projekteve neo-perandorake. Megjithat\u00eb, nuk ka asnj\u00eb lidhje t\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb midis neo-Eurazianizmit t\u00eb Duginit dhe projektit t\u00eb Bashkimit Euroaziatik t\u00eb Putinit. <\/span><\/p>\n

Repertori ideologjik i Duginit \u00ebsht\u00eb nxjerr\u00eb nga Revolucioni Konservator Gjerman dhe e Djathta e Re Franceze dhe Italiane shum\u00eb m\u00eb tep\u00ebr sesa nga baballar\u00ebt themelues euroaziatik\u00eb t\u00eb periudh\u00ebs mes luft\u00ebrave. <\/span><\/p>\n

Zyrtar\u00ebt e lart\u00eb rus\u00eb t\u00eb ngarkuar me institucionet e Bashkimit Ekonomik Euroaziatik e marrin frym\u00ebzimin e tyre nga Jean Monet dhe avokat\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00eb Evrope t\u00eb bashkuar ose nga retorika e Pekinit p\u00ebr zhvillimin harmonik t\u00eb stilit kinez, por jo nga euroazianizmi<\/a> <\/span>klasik. <\/span><\/p>\n

Edhe pse Bashkimi Ekonomik Euroaziatik merr form\u00eb institucionale, Dugin nuk ka arritur t\u00eb fitoj\u00eb asnj\u00eb status institucional – ai nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb as an\u00ebtar i Dhom\u00ebs Qytetare<\/u> <\/span>dhe humbi pozicionin e tij n\u00eb Universitetin Shtet\u00ebror t\u00eb Mosk\u00ebs gjat\u00eb kriz\u00ebs s\u00eb Ukrain\u00ebs<\/a> <\/span>2014 – dhe teorit\u00eb e tij jan\u00eb shum\u00eb ezoterike dhe filozofike p\u00ebr t\u00eb konkurruar me produkte m\u00eb t\u00eb zakonshme ideologjike.<\/span><\/p>\n

Q\u00eb nga viti 2014, titulli i t\u00eb qenit frym\u00ebzues i Putinit duket se i \u00ebsht\u00eb zhvendosur mendimtarit emigrant Ivan Ilyin (1883\u20131954). R\u00ebnd\u00ebsia e re e Ilyin u vu re fillimisht nga Anton Barbashin dhe Hannah Thoburn dhe m\u00eb pas nga Timothy Snyder. <\/span><\/p>\n

P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb t\u00eb fundit, Ilyin duhet par\u00eb si \u2018nj\u00eb profet i fashizmit rus\u2019<\/a><\/span>, duke legjitimuar gjoja \u2018kthes\u00ebn fashiste\u2019 t\u00eb Putinit q\u00eb nga kriza ukrainase – nj\u00eb \u2018kthes\u00eb\u2019 e v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb dukje nga studiues t\u00eb tjer\u00eb si Alexander Motyl<\/a><\/span> dhe Vladislav Inozemtsev<\/a><\/span>. <\/span><\/p>\n

Statusi i ri i fituar i Ilyinit tani pranohet gjer\u00ebsisht dhe p\u00ebrhapet nga ekspert\u00ebt per\u00ebndimor\u00eb pa asnj\u00eb diskutim mbi legjitimitetin e k\u00ebtij pretendimi. Un\u00eb argumentoj k\u00ebtu se jo vet\u00ebm Ilyin nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb \u2018guru\u2019 i Putinit, por se trash\u00ebgimia ideologjike e Ilyin n\u00eb Rusin\u00eb bashk\u00ebkohore \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb komplekse se ajo e \u2018fashizmit\u2019.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ilyin nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb referenca zyrtare ideologjike e Putinit ose \u2018filozofi i Putinit\u2019<\/a><\/span>. Putini e ka cituar Ilyin vet\u00ebm n\u00eb pes\u00eb raste (n\u00eb 2005, 2006, 2012, 2013 dhe 2014); tre prej tyre ishin adresa p\u00ebr asamblet\u00eb federale dhe dy p\u00ebr audiencat ushtarake. Ky num\u00ebr citatesh \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb i vog\u00ebl se ai i shum\u00eb mendimtar\u00ebve t\u00eb tjer\u00eb n\u00eb panteonin e regjimit. <\/span><\/p>\n

Putini i \u00ebsht\u00eb referuar shum\u00eb her\u00eb historian\u00ebve si Nikolai Karamzin (1766\u20131826), simboleve t\u00eb historiografis\u00eb klasike ruse, apo figurave politike si Petr Stolypin (1862\u20131911), mish\u00ebrimi i rrug\u00ebs s\u00eb modernizimit t\u00eb Rusis\u00eb n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb shekullit t\u00eb 20-t\u00eb. Edhe parku historik mbres\u00ebl\u00ebn\u00ebs \u2018Rusia – historia ime\u2019, i financuar nga Patriarkana e Mosk\u00ebs dhe bashkia e qytetit t\u00eb Mosk\u00ebs, i cili p\u00ebrmban m\u00eb shum\u00eb se 300 citime mbi Rusin\u00eb n\u00eb mure, ofron vet\u00ebm 10 citime nga Ilyin, shum\u00eb m\u00eb pak se shum\u00eb historian\u00eb klasik\u00eb rus\u00eb dhe filozof\u00eb. <\/span><\/p>\n

ISEPI i Dmitri Badovsky (Instituti p\u00ebr K\u00ebrkime Social-Ekonomike dhe Politike: Institut sotsial’no-ekonomicheskikh i politicheskikh issledovanii), grupi kryesor i mendimit i angazhuar n\u00eb p\u00ebrpunimin e nj\u00eb ideologjie konservatore p\u00ebr Kremlinin, organizoi seminare kushtuar Nikolia Berdiaev, jo Ilyin. Zyrtar\u00ebt e lart\u00eb rus\u00eb u udh\u00ebzuan nga Surkov t\u00eb lexonin disa autor\u00eb klasik\u00eb, ata mor\u00ebn libra t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb t\u00eb Ilyin, por edhe Berdiaev dhe filozofit t\u00eb epok\u00ebs s\u00eb argjendt\u00eb Vladimir Soloviev.<\/span><\/p>\n

P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, asnj\u00eb nga pes\u00eb citimet e Putinit – ose dy pasazhet e Ilyin t\u00eb cituara nga Vladislav Surkov n\u00eb 2006 p\u00ebr t\u00eb promovuar nocionin e tij t\u00eb \u2018demokracis\u00eb sovrane\u2019 – nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nga tekstet m\u00eb tendencioze pro-fashiste t\u00eb Ilyin. <\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, si shum\u00eb nga bashk\u00ebkoh\u00ebsit e tij, Ilyin ishte nj\u00eb antisemit dhe antibolshevik i t\u00ebrbuar, i cili me t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb ishte i t\u00ebrhequr nga fashizmi, t\u00eb cilin ai e shihte si shpirt\u00ebrisht t\u00eb af\u00ebrt me ideologjin\u00eb e emigrant\u00ebve t\u00eb bardh\u00eb, me nj\u00eb: \u201cArmiku i zakonsh\u00ebm dhe i bashkuar, patriotizmi, ndjenja e nderit, sh\u00ebrbimi vullnetar-flijues, t\u00ebrheqja ndaj disiplin\u00ebs diktatoriale, p\u00ebrt\u00ebritjes shpirt\u00ebrore dhe ringjalljes\/rilindjes s\u00eb vendit dhe k\u00ebrkimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb drejt\u00ebsie t\u00eb re sociale\u201d<\/em>.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ai iku nga Gjermania naziste, por mbeti i p\u00ebrkushtuar ndaj fashizmit \u2018m\u00eb t\u00eb leht\u00eb\u2019 t\u00eb mish\u00ebruar nga Francisco Franco n\u00eb Spanj\u00eb dhe Ant\u00f3nio de Oliveira Salazar n\u00eb Portugali. Sidoqoft\u00eb, krijimtaria e Ilyinit \u00ebsht\u00eb masive dhe vizioni i tij p\u00ebr \u2018thelbin\u2019 dhe regjimin politik ideal t\u00eb Rusis\u00eb ishte n\u00eb fakt nd\u00ebr m\u00eb klasik\u00ebt dhe joshpik\u00ebsit: ashtu si shum\u00eb mendimtar\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00eb politik\u00eb rus\u00eb, Ilyin e pa thelbin e Rusis\u00eb n\u00eb autokraci, shtet\u00ebsi, mesianiz\u00ebm dhe p\u00ebrjashtim kulturor. Nuk ka asgj\u00eb ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht fashiste k\u00ebtu, vet\u00ebm vizioni m\u00eb konvencional i Rusis\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

Citimet e Ilyin nga Putin – si dhe nga Surkov ose ai i Ministrit t\u00eb Pun\u00ebve t\u00eb Jashtme Sergej Lavrov – jan\u00eb nga ato m\u00eb stereotipet, duke lavd\u00ebruar shtetin rus si mish\u00ebrim t\u00eb ligjit, ushtarin si personifikimin e kombit, shtet\u00ebsin\u00eb e p\u00ebrjetshme t\u00eb Rusis\u00eb dhe citimin e vitit 2014 t\u00eb Putin “Ai q\u00eb e do Rusin\u00eb duhet t’i d\u00ebshiroj\u00eb asaj lirin\u00eb”. <\/a><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

T\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto citime pasqyrojn\u00eb korniz\u00ebn m\u00eb konvencionale p\u00ebr Rusin\u00eb, kultur\u00ebn e saj dhe rolin e shtetit; asnj\u00ebra prej tyre nuk lidhet me deklaratat m\u00eb t\u00eb diskutueshme q\u00eb Ilyin b\u00ebri p\u00ebr Gjermanin\u00eb naziste apo Italin\u00eb Fashiste. Kur Ilyin sillet n\u00eb panteonin e Kremlinit, \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebr deklarata shum\u00eb t\u00eb zakonshme, jo p\u00ebr bindjet e tij fashiste.<\/span><\/p>\n

P\u00ebrkrah\u00ebsit per\u00ebndimor\u00eb t\u00eb statusit \u2018guru\u2019t\u00eb Ilyin theksojn\u00eb se Putini shenjt\u00ebroi varrin e tij n\u00eb 2009 (shih m\u00eb posht\u00eb) dhe se filmi dokumentar 150-minut\u00ebsh q\u00eb u transmetua p\u00ebr t\u00eb festuar pes\u00ebmb\u00ebdhjet\u00eb vjet\u00ebt e Putinit n\u00eb pushtet n\u00eb 2015, i kushtoi disa minuta n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb specifike Ilyin. <\/span><\/p>\n

Edhe k\u00ebtu, nj\u00eb v\u00ebshtrim m\u00eb i af\u00ebrt d\u00ebshmon jo identifikimin e Putinit me Ilyin, por nj\u00eb prirje tjet\u00ebr, m\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrlikuar. Putini \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb arbit\u00ebr mes pal\u00ebve t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb interesit, si dhe midis fraksioneve t\u00eb ndryshme ideologjike dhe, si personifikimi i shtetit rus, ai siguron ekuilibrin mes tyre. <\/span><\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb nga k\u00ebto fraksione ideologjike – nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr disa – shtyn p\u00ebr rehabilitimin e Ilyin dhe p\u00ebr ta b\u00ebr\u00eb at\u00eb martir t\u00eb \u2018Emigrimit t\u00eb Bardh\u00eb\u2019, n\u00eb status t\u00eb barabart\u00eb me gjeneralin e bardh\u00eb Anton Denikin (1872-1947). <\/span><\/p>\n

Ky fraksion p\u00ebrfshin Patriarkan\u00ebn e Mosk\u00ebs dhe disa nga personalitetet e saj m\u00eb politike, si At Tikhon, biznesmen\u00eb ortodoks\u00eb si Vladimir Yakunin dhe Konstantin Malofeev dhe nj\u00eb grup intelektual\u00ebsh pro monarkis\u00eb si Nikita Mikhalkov, i cili drejtoi dokumentarin e Putinit. Kisha ishte forca shtyt\u00ebse pas riatdhesimit t\u00eb eshtrave t\u00eb Ilyin dhe rivarrimit t\u00eb tij n\u00eb Manastirin Donskoy n\u00eb 2005, n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb me at\u00eb t\u00eb Denikin dhe bashk\u00ebshortes s\u00eb tij.<\/span><\/p>\n

Rehabilitimi i Ilyin \u00ebsht\u00eb pjes\u00eb e axhend\u00ebs m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebtij fraksioni p\u00ebr riintegrimin e s\u00eb kaluar\u00ebs s\u00eb emigrant\u00ebve t\u00eb bardh\u00eb n\u00eb narrativ\u00ebn kryesore komb\u00ebtare. Kjo politik\u00eb p\u00ebrkon me strategjin\u00eb e Kish\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb cuar p\u00ebrpara vlerat konservatore, madje edhe reaksionare, krahas nostalgjis\u00eb p\u00ebr Perandorin\u00eb Romanov. <\/span><\/p>\n

Por k\u00ebto grupe po lavd\u00ebrojn\u00eb \u00a0vazhdim\u00ebsin\u00eb kulturore me t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn cariste, jo nj\u00eb mark\u00eb specifike t\u00eb fashizmit rus. Natyrisht, riintegrimi i mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebsve t\u00eb Bardh\u00eb n\u00eb panteonin komb\u00ebtar n\u00ebnkupton rehabilitimin e emigrant\u00ebve q\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunuan me regjimet fashiste kund\u00ebr Bashkimit Sovjetik – por kjo dilem\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb ekskluzive p\u00ebr Rusin\u00eb. <\/span><\/p>\n

T\u00eb gjitha vendet e Evrop\u00ebs Lindore p\u00ebrballen me t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtat v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsi n\u00eb riintegrimin e l\u00ebvizjeve kolaboracioniste n\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn e tyre komb\u00ebtare. Ilyin fitoi nj\u00eb vend pas vdekjes n\u00eb panteonin komb\u00ebtar sepse ky fraksion e konsideron at\u00eb si personifikimin e ideologjis\u00eb s\u00eb Bardh\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ivan Ilyin \u00ebsht\u00eb konsideruar si frym\u00ebzuesi ideologjik i k\u00ebtij fraksioni pro-ortodoks, pro emigracionit dhe pro-Romanov, por ai nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb ai i Kremlinit, i administrat\u00ebs presidenciale apo i vet\u00eb Putinit, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt kan\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar nj\u00eb panteon shum\u00eb m\u00eb plural. t\u00eb referencave ideologjike.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ilyin \u00ebsht\u00eb cituar nga Putin relativisht pak her\u00eb n\u00eb krahasim me mendimtar\u00ebt e tjer\u00eb rus\u00eb, dhe citimet e p\u00ebrzgjedhura jan\u00eb deklarata t\u00eb pad\u00ebmshme. Injorimi i pluralitetit t\u00eb referencave ideologjike t\u00eb Putinit p\u00ebr t\u00eb demonstruar admirimin e tij t\u00eb supozuar p\u00ebr nj\u00eb mendimtar \u2018fashist\u2019 nuk ofron nj\u00eb pasqyr\u00eb kuptimplot\u00eb mbi t\u00eb menduarit e Kremlinit ose \u2018mendjen e Putinit\u2019.<\/span><\/p>\n

P\u00ebrpjekjet e dob\u00ebta p\u00ebr t\u00eb faj\u00ebsuar nj\u00eb filozof t\u00eb vdekur t\u00eb panjohur p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrhyrjen e pretenduar t\u00eb Kremlinit n\u00eb zgjedhjet presidenciale<\/a><\/span> t\u00eb 2016-\u00ebs n\u00eb SHBA jan\u00eb nj\u00eb taktik\u00eb edhe m\u00eb joproduktive q\u00eb synon t\u00eb kufizoj\u00eb shpjegime t\u00eb tjera, q\u00eb nuk po i p\u00ebrmendim t\u00eb funksionimit dhe nd\u00ebrtimit ideologjik t\u00eb shtetit rus.<\/span><\/p>\n

VINI RE<\/strong><\/span>: Ky material \u00ebsht\u00eb pron\u00ebsi intelektuale e Ridl.io<\/a><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

*<\/span>Marlene Laruelle Marl\u00e8ne Laruelle (lindur m\u00eb 21 dhjetor 1972) \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb historiane, sociologe dhe politologe franceze e specializuar p\u00ebr Euroazin\u00eb dhe Evrop\u00ebn.Ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb profesoresh\u00eb k\u00ebrkimore dhe drejtore e Institutit p\u00ebr Studime Evropiane, Ruse dhe Euroaziatike (IERES) n\u00eb Universitetin George Washington (GW). Dr. Laruelle \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithashtu nj\u00eb Bashk\u00ebdrejtore e PONARS (Programi p\u00ebr qasje t\u00eb reja ndaj k\u00ebrkimit dhe siguris\u00eb n\u00eb Euroazi), Drejtore e Programit t\u00eb G\u00cb p\u00ebr Azin\u00eb Qendrore dhe Drejtore e Programit t\u00eb Studimeve t\u00eb Iliberalizmit t\u00eb GW.<\/span><\/em><\/p>\n

*<\/span>Svengali \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb personazh n\u00eb romanin Trilby i cili u botua p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb n\u00eb 1894 nga George du Maurier. Svengali \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb burr\u00eb q\u00eb josh, dominon dhe shfryt\u00ebzon Trilbyn, nj\u00eb vajz\u00eb e re irlandeze, dhe e b\u00ebn at\u00eb nj\u00eb k\u00ebng\u00ebtare t\u00eb famshme.<\/em><\/span><\/p>\n

*<\/span>Dhoma Civile ose Dhoma Qytetare e Federat\u00ebs Ruse \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb institucion k\u00ebshillues i shoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile me 168 an\u00ebtar\u00eb i krijuar n\u00eb 2005 n\u00eb Rusi p\u00ebr t\u00eb analizuar projektligjet dhe mbik\u00ebqyrur veprimtarit\u00eb e parlamentit, qeveris\u00eb dhe organeve t\u00eb tjera qeveritare t\u00eb Rusis\u00eb dhe subjekteve t\u00eb saj federale.<\/em><\/span><\/p>\n

*Ky shkrim \u00ebsht\u00eb publikuar m\u00eb 19 prill 2018<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false,"gt_translate_keys":[{"key":"rendered","format":"html"}]},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

*Nga Marlene Laruelle Q\u00eb kur Vladimir Putin erdhi n\u00eb pushtet n\u00eb vitin 2000 dhe filloi t\u00eb rishpallte ndikimin e Rusis\u00eb n\u00eb sken\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, ekspert\u00ebt per\u00ebndimor\u00eb jan\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekur t\u00eb dallojn\u00eb \u2018trurin\u2019 ose \u2018gurun\u00eb\u2019 e presidentit rus, t\u00eb bindur se ata do t\u00eb ishin n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb identifikonin nj\u00eb personazh t\u00eb dyshimt\u00eb t\u00eb ngjash\u00ebm me \u2018Svengalin\u2019 q\u00eb […]<\/p>\n","protected":false,"gt_translate_keys":[{"key":"rendered","format":"html"}]},"author":51,"featured_media":513112,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[22,53],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-513111","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-ballina","category-fast-foodi"],"gt_translate_keys":[{"key":"link","format":"url"}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/513111","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/51"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=513111"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/513111\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/513112"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=513111"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=513111"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=513111"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}