{"id":507101,"date":"2022-02-25T11:20:02","date_gmt":"2022-02-25T10:20:02","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/?p=507101"},"modified":"2022-03-01T11:56:21","modified_gmt":"2022-03-01T10:56:21","slug":"politika-e-re-e-jashtme-e-rusise-doktrina-putin","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/2022\/02\/25\/politika-e-re-e-jashtme-e-rusise-doktrina-putin\/","title":{"rendered":"Analiza – Politika e re e jashtme e Rusis\u00eb, ‘Doktrina Putin’","gt_translate_keys":[{"key":"rendered","format":"text"}]},"content":{"rendered":"

\"\"<\/em><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Nga Profesor Sergey Karaganov, kryetar nderi i K\u00ebshillit t\u00eb Rusis\u00eb p\u00ebr Politik\u00ebn e Jashtme dhe Mbrojt\u00ebse, dhe mbik\u00ebqyr\u00ebs akademik n\u00eb Shkoll\u00ebn e Lart\u00eb t\u00eb Ekonomis\u00eb Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare dhe Pun\u00ebve t\u00eb Jashtme (HSE) n\u00eb Mosk\u00eb<\/em><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Duket sikur Rusia ka hyr\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb epok\u00eb t\u00eb re t\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb saj t\u00eb jashtme – nj\u00eb \u2018shkat\u00ebrrim konstruktiv\u2019, le ta quajm\u00eb at\u00eb, t\u00eb modelit t\u00eb m\u00ebparsh\u00ebm t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve me Per\u00ebndimin.<\/span><\/p>\n

Pjes\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj m\u00ebnyre t\u00eb re t\u00eb t\u00eb menduarit jan\u00eb par\u00eb gjat\u00eb 15 viteve t\u00eb fundit – duke filluar me fjalimin e famsh\u00ebm t\u00eb Vladimir Putinit n\u00eb Mynih n\u00eb vitin 2007 – por shum\u00eb gj\u00ebra sapo po b\u00ebhen t\u00eb qarta tani. <\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb, p\u00ebrpjekjet e pakta p\u00ebr t’u integruar n\u00eb sistemin per\u00ebndimor, duke mbajtur nj\u00eb q\u00ebndrim t\u00eb vendosur mbrojt\u00ebs, ka mbetur tendenca e p\u00ebrgjithshme n\u00eb politik\u00ebn dhe retorik\u00ebn e Rusis\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

Shkat\u00ebrrimi konstruktiv nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb agresiv. Rusia pohon se nuk do t\u00eb sulmoj\u00eb ask\u00ebnd apo t\u00eb hedh\u00eb n\u00eb er\u00eb dik\u00eb. Thjesht nuk ka nevoj\u00eb. Bota e jashtme i ofron Rusis\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb mund\u00ebsi gjeopolitike p\u00ebr zhvillim afatmes\u00ebm si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb. Me nj\u00eb p\u00ebrjashtim t\u00eb madh. Zgjerimi i NATO-s dhe p\u00ebrfshirja formale ose joformale e Ukrain\u00ebs p\u00ebrb\u00ebn nj\u00eb rrezik p\u00ebr sigurin\u00eb e vendit q\u00eb Moska thjesht nuk do ta pranoj\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

P\u00ebr momentin, Per\u00ebndimi \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb rrug\u00ebn e nj\u00eb kalbjeje t\u00eb ngadalt\u00eb, por t\u00eb pashmangshme, si n\u00eb aspektin e \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve t\u00eb brendshme ashtu edhe t\u00eb jashtme dhe madje edhe t\u00eb ekonomis\u00eb. Dhe pik\u00ebrisht kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb arsyeja pse ajo ka nisur k\u00ebt\u00eb Luft\u00eb t\u00eb re t\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb pas pothuajse pes\u00ebqind vjet dominimi n\u00eb politik\u00ebn, ekonomin\u00eb dhe kultur\u00ebn bot\u00ebrore. <\/span><\/p>\n

Sidomos pas fitores s\u00eb saj vendimtare n\u00eb vitet 1990 deri n\u00eb mesin e viteve 2000. Un\u00eb besoj se [1] ka shum\u00eb t\u00eb ngjar\u00eb t\u00eb humbas\u00eb, duke u larguar si lider global dhe duke u b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb partner m\u00eb i arsyesh\u00ebm. Dhe jo n\u00eb nj\u00eb koh\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb shpejt\u00eb: Rusis\u00eb do t’i duhet t\u00eb ekuilibroj\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet me nj\u00eb Kin\u00eb miq\u00ebsore, por gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb fuqishme.<\/span><\/p>\n

Tani p\u00ebr tani Per\u00ebndimi n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb d\u00ebshp\u00ebruar p\u00ebrpiqet t\u00eb mbrohet kund\u00ebr k\u00ebsaj me retorik\u00eb agresive. P\u00ebrpiqet t\u00eb konsolidohet, duke luajtur kartat e fundit p\u00ebr ta kthyer k\u00ebt\u00eb prirje. N\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebn prej tyre po p\u00ebrpiqet t\u00eb p\u00ebrdor\u00eb Ukrain\u00ebn p\u00ebr t\u00eb d\u00ebmtuar dhe neutralizuar Rusin\u00eb. <\/span><\/p>\n

\u00cbsht\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme t\u00eb parandalohen k\u00ebto p\u00ebrpjekje konvulsive q\u00eb t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrohen n\u00eb nj\u00eb bllokim t\u00eb plot\u00eb dhe t\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtohen politikat e tanishme t\u00eb SHBA-s\u00eb dhe NATO-s. Ato jan\u00eb kund\u00ebrproduktive dhe t\u00eb rrezikshme, megjith\u00ebse relativisht t\u00eb pak\u00ebrkueshme p\u00ebr nism\u00ebtar\u00ebt. Ne ende nuk e kemi bindur Per\u00ebndimin se ai vet\u00ebm po e d\u00ebmton veten.<\/span><\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr kart\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb roli dominues i Per\u00ebndimit n\u00eb sistemin ekzistues t\u00eb siguris\u00eb euro-atlantike t\u00eb krijuar n\u00eb nj\u00eb koh\u00eb kur Rusia u dob\u00ebsua seriozisht pas Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb. Ky sistem duhet fshir\u00eb gradualisht, kryesisht duke kund\u00ebrshtuar t\u00eb marrim pjes\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb dhe t\u00eb luajm\u00eb sipas rregullave t\u00eb tij t\u00eb vjetruara, t\u00eb cilat jan\u00eb n\u00eb thelb t\u00eb pafavorshme p\u00ebr ne. <\/span><\/p>\n

P\u00ebr Rusin\u00eb, rruga per\u00ebndimore duhet t\u00eb b\u00ebhet dyt\u00ebsore ndaj diplomacis\u00eb s\u00eb saj euroaziatike. Ruajtja e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve konstruktive me vendet n\u00eb pjes\u00ebn per\u00ebndimore t\u00eb kontinentit mund t\u00eb leht\u00ebsoj\u00eb integrimin n\u00eb Euroazin\u00eb e Madhe p\u00ebr Rusin\u00eb. Megjithat\u00eb, sistemi i vjet\u00ebr \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb rrug\u00ebn e duhur dhe k\u00ebshtu duhet t\u00eb \u00e7montohet.<\/span><\/p>\n

Hapi tjet\u00ebr kritik p\u00ebr krijimin e nj\u00eb sistemi t\u00eb ri (p\u00ebrve\u00e7 \u00e7montimit t\u00eb t\u00eb vjetrit) \u00ebsht\u00eb ‘bashkimi i tokave’. \u00cbsht\u00eb nj\u00eb domosdoshm\u00ebri p\u00ebr Mosk\u00ebn, jo nj\u00eb trill.<\/span><\/p>\n

Do t\u00eb ishte mir\u00eb n\u00ebse do t\u00eb kishim m\u00eb shum\u00eb koh\u00eb p\u00ebr ta b\u00ebr\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb. Por historia tregon se, q\u00eb nga r\u00ebnia e Bashkimit Sovjetik 30 vjet m\u00eb par\u00eb, pak vende post-sovjetike kan\u00eb arritur t\u00eb b\u00ebhen v\u00ebrtet t\u00eb pavarura. Dhe disa mund t\u00eb mos arrijn\u00eb kurr\u00eb, p\u00ebr arsye t\u00eb ndryshme. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb tem\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb analiz\u00eb t\u00eb ardhshme.<\/span><\/p>\n

Tani p\u00ebr tani, un\u00eb mund t\u00eb theksoj vet\u00ebm t\u00eb dukshmen: shumica e elitave lokale nuk kan\u00eb p\u00ebrvoj\u00ebn historike ose kulturore t\u00eb shtet-nd\u00ebrtimit. Ato kurr\u00eb nuk kan\u00eb qen\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb b\u00ebhen thelbi i kombit – ato nuk kishin koh\u00eb t\u00eb mjaftueshme p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb. <\/span><\/p>\n

Kur hap\u00ebsira e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt intelektuale dhe kulturore u zhduk, ajo d\u00ebmtoi m\u00eb shum\u00eb vendet e vogla. Mund\u00ebsit\u00eb e reja p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar lidhje me Per\u00ebndimin rezultuan t\u00eb mos ishin z\u00ebvend\u00ebsimi i duhur. Ata q\u00eb e kan\u00eb gjetur veten n\u00eb krye t\u00eb kombeve t\u00eb tilla, kan\u00eb shitur vendin e tyre p\u00ebr p\u00ebrfitimin e tyre, sepse nuk ka pasur asnj\u00eb ide komb\u00ebtare p\u00ebr t\u00eb luftuar.<\/span><\/p>\n

Shumica e k\u00ebtyre vendeve ose do t\u00eb ndjekin shembullin e shteteve baltike, duke pranuar kontrollin e jasht\u00ebm, ose do t\u00eb vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb dalin jasht\u00eb kontrollit, gj\u00eb q\u00eb n\u00eb disa raste mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonisht e rrezikshme.<\/span><\/p>\n

Pyetja \u00ebsht\u00eb: Si t\u00eb ‘bashkohen’ kombet n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn m\u00eb efikase dhe m\u00eb t\u00eb dobishme p\u00ebr Rusin\u00eb, duke marr\u00eb parasysh p\u00ebrvoj\u00ebn cariste dhe sovjetike, kur sfera e ndikimit u zgjerua p\u00ebrtej \u00e7do kufiri t\u00eb arsyesh\u00ebm dhe m\u00eb pas u mbajt s\u00eb bashku n\u00eb kurriz t\u00eb thelbit. Popujt rus\u00eb?<\/span><\/p>\n

Le ta l\u00ebm\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb dit\u00eb tjet\u00ebr diskutimin p\u00ebr \u2018bashkimin\u2019 q\u00eb po na detyron historia. K\u00ebt\u00eb her\u00eb, le t\u00eb p\u00ebrqendrohemi n\u00eb nevoj\u00ebn objektive p\u00ebr t\u00eb marr\u00eb nj\u00eb vendim t\u00eb ashp\u00ebr dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb miratuar politik\u00ebn e \u2018shkat\u00ebrrimit konstruktiv\u2019.<\/span><\/p>\n

Pikat historike q\u00eb kaluam<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Sot, ne shohim fillimin e epok\u00ebs s\u00eb kat\u00ebrt t\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme t\u00eb Rusis\u00eb. E para filloi n\u00eb fund t\u00eb viteve 1980, dhe ishte nj\u00eb koh\u00eb dob\u00ebsie dhe iluzionesh. Kombi kishte humbur vullnetin p\u00ebr t\u00eb luftuar, njer\u00ebzit donin t\u00eb besonin se demokracia dhe Per\u00ebndimi do t\u00eb vinte dhe do t’i shp\u00ebtonte [2]. Gjith\u00e7ka p\u00ebrfundoi n\u00eb vitin 1999 pas val\u00ebve t\u00eb para t\u00eb zgjerimit t\u00eb NATO-s, t\u00eb par\u00eb nga rus\u00ebt si nj\u00eb thik\u00eb pas shpine, kur Per\u00ebndimi cop\u00ebtoi at\u00eb q\u00eb kishte mbetur nga Jugosllavia.<\/span><\/p>\n

Pastaj Rusia filloi t\u00eb ngrihej n\u00eb k\u00ebmb\u00eb dhe t\u00eb rind\u00ebrtohej, tin\u00ebzisht dhe fshehurazi, nd\u00ebrsa dukej miq\u00ebsore dhe e p\u00ebrulur. T\u00ebrheqja e SHBA-s\u00eb nga Traktati ABM sinjalizoi synimin e saj p\u00ebr t\u00eb rifituar dominimin e saj strategjik, k\u00ebshtu q\u00eb Rusia ende e thyer mori nj\u00eb vendim fatal p\u00ebr t\u00eb zhvilluar sisteme arm\u00ebsh p\u00ebr t\u00eb sfiduar aspiratat amerikane. <\/span><\/p>\n

Fjalimi i Mynihut, Lufta n\u00eb Gjeorgji dhe reforma e ushtris\u00eb, t\u00eb kryera n\u00eb mes t\u00eb nj\u00eb krize ekonomike globale q\u00eb sh\u00ebnoi fundin e imperializmit globalist liberal per\u00ebndimor (termi i krijuar nga nj\u00eb ekspert i shquar i \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, Richard Sak\u00eba) sh\u00ebnoi q\u00ebllimin e ri p\u00ebr rus\u00ebt. politika e jashtme – t\u00eb b\u00ebhet edhe nj\u00eb her\u00eb nj\u00eb fuqi udh\u00ebheq\u00ebse globale q\u00eb mund t\u00eb mbroj\u00eb sovranitetin dhe interesat e saj. <\/span><\/p>\n

Kjo u pasua nga ngjarjet n\u00eb Krime, Siri, ngritja e ushtris\u00eb dhe bllokimi i Per\u00ebndimit nga nd\u00ebrhyrja n\u00eb pun\u00ebt e brendshme t\u00eb Rusis\u00eb, duke \u00e7rr\u00ebnjosur nga sh\u00ebrbimi publik ata q\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunuan me Per\u00ebndimin n\u00eb disavantazh t\u00eb atdheut t\u00eb tyre, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrdorim mjesht\u00ebror t\u00eb reagimit t\u00eb Per\u00ebndimit ndaj atyre zhvillimeve. Nd\u00ebrsa tensionet vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb rriten, shikimi drejt Per\u00ebndimit dhe mbajtja e aseteve atje b\u00ebhen gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb pak fitimprur\u00ebse.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ngritja e pabesueshme e Kin\u00ebs dhe b\u00ebrja de-fakto aleate me Pekinin duke filluar nga vitet 2010, strumbullari drejt Lindjes dhe kriza shum\u00ebdimensionale q\u00eb mb\u00ebshtjell\u00eb Per\u00ebndimin \u00e7uan n\u00eb nj\u00eb ndryshim t\u00eb madh n\u00eb ekuilibrin politik dhe gjeoekonomik n\u00eb favor t\u00eb Rusis\u00eb. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht e theksuar n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb. Vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb dekad\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb, BE-ja e pa Rusin\u00eb si nj\u00eb periferi t\u00eb prapambetur dhe t\u00eb dob\u00ebt t\u00eb kontinentit q\u00eb p\u00ebrpiqet t\u00eb luftoj\u00eb me fuqit\u00eb e m\u00ebdha. Tani, ajo po p\u00ebrpiqet d\u00ebshp\u00ebrimisht t\u00eb kapet pas pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb gjeopolitike dhe gjeoekonomike q\u00eb po i rr\u00ebshqet n\u00ebp\u00ebr gishta.<\/span><\/p>\n

Periudha e ‘kthimit n\u00eb madh\u00ebshti’ p\u00ebrfundoi rreth viteve 2017-2018. Pas k\u00ebsaj, Rusia goditi platen\u00eb. Modernizimi vazhdoi, por ekonomia e dob\u00ebt k\u00ebrc\u00ebnoi t\u00eb mohonte arritjet e saj. Njer\u00ebzit (p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb edhe mua) ishin t\u00eb frustruar, nga frika se Rusis\u00eb edhe nj\u00eb her\u00eb \u2018do t\u2019i rr\u00ebshqiste fitorja nga duart\u2019. Por kjo doli t\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb periudh\u00eb tjet\u00ebr nd\u00ebrtimi, kryesisht p\u00ebrsa i p\u00ebrket aft\u00ebsive mbrojt\u00ebse.<\/span><\/p>\n

Rusia ka ecur p\u00ebrpara, duke u siguruar q\u00eb p\u00ebr dekad\u00ebn e ardhshme, ajo do t\u00eb jet\u00eb relativisht e paprekshme strategjikisht dhe e aft\u00eb t\u00eb \u2018dominoj\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb skenar p\u00ebrshkall\u00ebzimi\u2019 n\u00eb rast t\u00eb konflikteve n\u00eb rajonet brenda sfer\u00ebs s\u00eb saj t\u00eb interesave.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ultimatumi q\u00eb Rusia i l\u00ebshoi \u200b\u200bSHBA-s\u00eb dhe NATO-s n\u00eb fund t\u00eb vitit 2021, duke k\u00ebrkuar q\u00eb ata t\u00eb ndalonin zhvillimin e infrastruktur\u00ebs ushtarake pran\u00eb kufijve rus\u00eb dhe zgjerimin n\u00eb lindje, sh\u00ebnoi fillimin e \u2018shkat\u00ebrrimit konstruktiv\u2019. Q\u00ebllimi nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb thjesht ndalimi i inercis\u00eb, ndon\u00ebse v\u00ebrtet t\u00eb rrezikshme t\u00eb shtytjes gjeostrategjike t\u00eb Per\u00ebndimit, por edhe fillimi i hedhjes s\u00eb themeleve p\u00ebr nj\u00eb lloj t\u00eb ri marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniesh midis Rusis\u00eb dhe Per\u00ebndimit, t\u00eb ndryshme nga ajo q\u00eb u vendos\u00ebm n\u00eb vitet 1990.<\/span><\/p>\n

Aft\u00ebsit\u00eb ushtarake t\u00eb Rusis\u00eb, ndjenja e kthimit t\u00eb drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb morale, m\u00ebsimet e nxjerra nga gabimet e s\u00eb kaluar\u00ebs dhe nj\u00eb aleanc\u00eb e ngusht\u00eb me Kin\u00ebn mund t\u00eb n\u00ebnkuptojn\u00eb se Per\u00ebndimi, i cili zgjodhi rolin e nj\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtari, do t\u00eb filloj\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb i arsyesh\u00ebm, edhe pse jo gjat\u00eb gjith\u00eb koh\u00ebs. Pastaj, n\u00eb nj\u00eb dekad\u00eb ose m\u00eb shpejt, shpresoj se do t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtohet nj\u00eb sistem i ri i siguris\u00eb dhe bashk\u00ebpunimit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar q\u00eb do t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshij\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb Euroazin\u00eb e Madhe k\u00ebt\u00eb her\u00eb dhe do t\u00eb bazohet n\u00eb parimet e OKB-s\u00eb dhe t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, jo n\u00eb ‘rregullat’ e nj\u00ebanshme q\u00eb Per\u00ebndimi \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekur t’i imponohet bot\u00ebs n\u00eb dekadat e fundit.<\/span><\/p>\n

Korrigjimi i gabimeve<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Para se t\u00eb shkoj m\u00eb tej, m\u00eb lejoni t\u00eb them se mendoj shum\u00eb mir\u00eb p\u00ebr diplomacin\u00eb ruse – ka qen\u00eb absolutisht e shk\u00eblqyer n\u00eb 25 vitet e fundit. Mosk\u00ebs iu dhan\u00eb letra t\u00eb dob\u00ebta, por megjithat\u00eb arriti t\u00eb luaj\u00eb nj\u00eb loj\u00eb t\u00eb shk\u00eblqyer. S\u00eb pari, nuk e la Per\u00ebndimin ta \u2018ekzekutonte\u2019. Rusia ruajti statusin e saj formal t\u00eb nj\u00eb vendi t\u00eb madh, duke ruajtur an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimin e p\u00ebrhersh\u00ebm n\u00eb K\u00ebshillin e Sigurimit t\u00eb OKB-s\u00eb dhe duke ruajtur arsenalet b\u00ebrthamore. <\/span><\/p>\n

Pastaj gradualisht p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsoi pozicionin e saj global duke shfryt\u00ebzuar dob\u00ebsit\u00eb e rival\u00ebve t\u00eb saj dhe pikat e forta t\u00eb partner\u00ebve t\u00eb saj. Nd\u00ebrtimi i nj\u00eb miq\u00ebsie t\u00eb fort\u00eb me Kin\u00ebn ka qen\u00eb nj\u00eb arritje e madhe. Rusia ka disa avantazhe gjeopolitike q\u00eb Bashkimi Sovjetik nuk i kishte. Me p\u00ebrjashtim t\u00eb rastit kur, sigurisht, ajo kthehet n\u00eb aspiratat p\u00ebr t’u b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb superfuqi globale, e cila p\u00ebrfundimisht shkat\u00ebrroi Bashkimin Sovjetik.<\/span><\/p>\n

Megjithat\u00eb, nuk duhet t\u00eb harrojm\u00eb gabimet q\u00eb kemi b\u00ebr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb mos i p\u00ebrs\u00ebrisim. Ishte p\u00ebrtacia, dob\u00ebsia dhe inercia jon\u00eb burokratike q\u00eb ndihmuan n\u00eb krijimin dhe mbajtjen n\u00eb k\u00ebmb\u00eb t\u00eb sistemit t\u00eb padrejt\u00eb dhe t\u00eb paq\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm t\u00eb siguris\u00eb evropiane q\u00eb kemi sot.<\/span><\/p>\n

Karta e Parisit p\u00ebr nj\u00eb Evrop\u00eb t\u00eb Re e formuluar bukur q\u00eb u n\u00ebnshkrua n\u00eb vitin 1990 kishte nj\u00eb deklarat\u00eb p\u00ebr lirin\u00eb e asociimit – vendet mund t\u00eb zgjidhnin aleat\u00ebt e tyre, di\u00e7ka q\u00eb do t\u00eb ishte e pamundur sipas Deklarat\u00ebs s\u00eb Helsinkit t\u00eb 1975-\u00ebs. <\/span><\/p>\n

Meqen\u00ebse Pakti i Varshav\u00ebs po funksiononte si n\u00ebp\u00ebr tym n\u00eb at\u00eb pik\u00eb, kjo klauzol\u00eb n\u00ebnkuptonte se NATO do t\u00eb ishte e lir\u00eb t\u00eb zgjerohej. Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb dokumenti t\u00eb cilit i referohen t\u00eb gjith\u00eb, edhe n\u00eb Rusi. Megjithat\u00eb, n\u00eb vitin 1990, NATO t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn mund t\u00eb konsiderohej nj\u00eb organizat\u00eb \u2018mbrojt\u00ebse\u2019. Aleanca dhe shumica e an\u00ebtar\u00ebve t\u00eb saj kan\u00eb nisur nj\u00eb s\u00ebr\u00eb fushatash ushtarake agresive q\u00eb at\u00ebher\u00eb – kund\u00ebr mbetjeve t\u00eb Jugosllavis\u00eb, si dhe n\u00eb Irak dhe Libi.<\/span><\/p>\n

Pas nj\u00eb bisede me zem\u00ebr n\u00eb dor\u00eb me Lech \u00cbalesa n\u00eb 1993, Boris Yeltsin n\u00ebnshkroi nj\u00eb dokument ku thuhej se Rusia \u2018e kuptoi planin e Polonis\u00eb p\u00ebr t’u bashkuar me NATO-n\u2019. Kur Andrey Kozyrev, ministri i Jasht\u00ebm i Rusis\u00eb n\u00eb at\u00eb koh\u00eb, m\u00ebsoi p\u00ebr planet e zgjerimit t\u00eb NATO-s n\u00eb vitin 1994, ai filloi nj\u00eb proces negocimi n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb Rusis\u00eb pa u konsultuar me presidentin. Pala tjet\u00ebr e mori si shenj\u00eb se Rusia ishte n\u00eb rregull me konceptin e p\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm, pasi po p\u00ebrpiqej t\u00eb negocionte kushte t\u00eb pranueshme. N\u00eb vitin 1995, Moska u frenua, por ishte tep\u00ebr von\u00eb – diga shp\u00ebrtheu dhe fshiu \u00e7do rezerv\u00eb n\u00eb lidhje me p\u00ebrpjekjet e zgjerimit t\u00eb Per\u00ebndimit.<\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00eb vitin 1997, Rusia, duke qen\u00eb ekonomikisht e dob\u00ebt dhe plot\u00ebsisht e varur nga Per\u00ebndimi, n\u00ebnshkroi Aktin Themelues p\u00ebr Marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet Reciproke, Bashk\u00ebpunimin dhe Sigurin\u00eb me NATO-n. Moska ishte n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb detyronte Per\u00ebndimin t\u00eb b\u00ebnte disa l\u00ebshime, si zotimi p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos vendosur nj\u00ebsi t\u00eb m\u00ebdha ushtarake n\u00eb shtetet e reja an\u00ebtare. NATO e ka shkelur vazhdimisht k\u00ebt\u00eb detyrim. <\/span><\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje tjet\u00ebr ishte mbajtja e k\u00ebtyre territoreve pa arm\u00eb b\u00ebrthamore. Shtetet e Bashkuara nuk do ta kishin dashur gjithsesi, sepse ishin p\u00ebrpjekur t\u00eb distancoheshin nga nj\u00eb konflikt i mundsh\u00ebm b\u00ebrthamor n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb sa m\u00eb shum\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb ishte e mundur (pavar\u00ebsisht d\u00ebshir\u00ebs s\u00eb aleat\u00ebve t\u00eb tyre), pasi padyshim q\u00eb do t\u00eb shkaktonte nj\u00eb sulm b\u00ebrthamor kund\u00ebr Amerik\u00ebs. N\u00eb realitet, dokumenti legjitimonte zgjerimin e NATO-s.<\/span><\/p>\n

Kishte gabime t\u00eb tjera – jo aq t\u00eb m\u00ebdha, por megjithat\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonisht t\u00eb dhimbshme. Rusia mori pjes\u00eb n\u00eb programin Partneriteti p\u00ebr Paqe, q\u00ebllimi i vet\u00ebm i t\u00eb cilit ishte ta b\u00ebnte t\u00eb dukej sikur NATO ishte e p\u00ebrgatitur p\u00ebr t\u00eb d\u00ebgjuar Mosk\u00ebn, por n\u00eb realitet, aleanca po p\u00ebrdorte projektin p\u00ebr t\u00eb justifikuar ekzistenc\u00ebn e saj dhe zgjerimin e m\u00ebtejsh\u00ebm. <\/span><\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr gabim zhg\u00ebnjyes ishte p\u00ebrfshirja jon\u00eb n\u00eb K\u00ebshillin NATO-Rusi pas agresionit t\u00eb Jugosllavis\u00eb. Temave t\u00eb diskutuara n\u00eb at\u00eb nivel u mungonte d\u00ebshp\u00ebrimisht thelbi. Ata duhet t\u00eb ishin fokusuar n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjen v\u00ebrtet t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme \u2013 frenimin e zgjerimit t\u00eb aleanc\u00ebs dhe nd\u00ebrtimin e infrastruktur\u00ebs s\u00eb saj ushtarake pran\u00eb kufijve rus\u00eb. Fatkeq\u00ebsisht, kjo nuk u fut kurr\u00eb n\u00eb rendin e dit\u00ebs. K\u00ebshilli vazhdoi t\u00eb funksionoj\u00eb edhe pasi shumica e an\u00ebtar\u00ebve t\u00eb NATO-s filluan nj\u00eb luft\u00eb n\u00eb Irak dhe m\u00eb pas n\u00eb Libi n\u00eb 2011.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00cbsht\u00eb shum\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhur keq q\u00eb ne kurr\u00eb nuk gjet\u00ebm nervat p\u00ebr ta th\u00ebn\u00eb hapur – NATO ishte b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb agresor q\u00eb kreu krime t\u00eb shumta lufte. Kjo do t\u00eb kishte qen\u00eb nj\u00eb e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb kthjelluese p\u00ebr qarqe t\u00eb ndryshme politike n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb, si n\u00eb Finland\u00eb dhe Suedi p\u00ebr shembull, ku disa po konsiderojn\u00eb avantazhet e an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit n\u00eb organizat\u00eb. Dhe t\u00eb gjith\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje, me mantr\u00ebn e tyre rreth NATO-s si nj\u00eb aleanc\u00eb mbrojt\u00ebse dhe parandaluese q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb konsolidohet m\u00eb tej n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb mund t\u00eb q\u00ebndroj\u00eb kund\u00ebr armiqve imagjinar\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

Un\u00eb i kuptoj ata n\u00eb Per\u00ebndim q\u00eb jan\u00eb m\u00ebsuar me sistemin ekzistues q\u00eb u lejon amerikan\u00ebve t\u00eb blejn\u00eb bindjen e partner\u00ebve t\u00eb tyre t\u00eb vegj\u00ebl, dhe jo vet\u00ebm n\u00eb aspektin e mb\u00ebshtetjes ushtarake, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb k\u00ebta aleat\u00eb mund t\u00eb kursejn\u00eb n\u00eb shpenzimet e siguris\u00eb duke shitur nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb sovranitetit t\u00eb tyre. Por \u00e7far\u00eb p\u00ebrfitojm\u00eb nga ky sistem? Sidomos tani q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb e qart\u00eb se ajo rrit dhe p\u00ebrshkall\u00ebzon konfrontimin n\u00eb kufijt\u00eb tan\u00eb per\u00ebndimor\u00eb dhe n\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb bot\u00ebn.<\/span><\/p>\n

NATO ushqehet nga konfrontimi i detyruar dhe sa m\u00eb gjat\u00eb t\u00eb ekzistoj\u00eb organizata, aq m\u00eb keq do t\u00eb jet\u00eb ky konfrontim.<\/span><\/p>\n

Blloku \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim edhe p\u00ebr an\u00ebtar\u00ebt e tij. Nd\u00ebrsa provokon konfrontim, n\u00eb fakt nuk garanton mbrojtje. Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb q\u00eb neni 5 i Traktatit t\u00eb Atlantikut t\u00eb Veriut garanton mbrojtje kolektive n\u00ebse sulmohet nj\u00eb aleat. Ky artikull nuk thot\u00eb se kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb e garantuar automatikisht. Jam njohur me historin\u00eb e bllokut dhe me diskutimet n\u00eb Amerik\u00eb p\u00ebr krijimin e tij. Un\u00eb e di me t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb se SHBA nuk do t\u00eb vendos\u00eb kurr\u00eb arm\u00eb b\u00ebrthamore p\u00ebr t\u00eb \u2018mbrojtur\u2019 aleat\u00ebt e saj n\u00ebse ka konflikt me nj\u00eb shtet b\u00ebrthamor.<\/span><\/p>\n

Organizata p\u00ebr Siguri dhe Bashk\u00ebpunim n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb (OSBE) \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithashtu e vjet\u00ebruar. Ajo dominohet nga NATO dhe BE q\u00eb p\u00ebrdorin organizat\u00ebn p\u00ebr t\u00eb zvarritur konfrontimin dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb imponuar vlerat dhe standardet politike t\u00eb Per\u00ebndimit mbi t\u00eb gjith\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt. P\u00ebr fat t\u00eb mir\u00eb, kjo politik\u00eb po b\u00ebhet gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb pak efektive. N\u00eb mesin e viteve 2010 pata shansin t\u00eb punoj me Panelin e Personave Eminent t\u00eb OSBE-s\u00eb (\u00e7far\u00eb emri!), i cili supozohej t\u00eb zhvillonte nj\u00eb mandat t\u00eb ri p\u00ebr organizat\u00ebn. <\/span><\/p>\n

Dhe n\u00ebse para k\u00ebsaj do t\u00eb kisha dyshimet e mia p\u00ebr efektivitetin e OSBE-s\u00eb, kjo p\u00ebrvoj\u00eb m\u00eb bindi se ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb institucion jasht\u00ebzakonisht shkat\u00ebrrues. \u00cbsht\u00eb nj\u00eb organizat\u00eb e vjet\u00ebruar me nj\u00eb mision p\u00ebr t\u00eb ruajtur gj\u00ebrat q\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb vjetruara. N\u00eb vitet 1990, ai sh\u00ebrbeu si nj\u00eb instrument p\u00ebr t\u00eb varrosur \u00e7do p\u00ebrpjekje t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb nga Rusia ose t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar nj\u00eb sistem t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt sigurie evropiane; n\u00eb vitet 2000, i ashtuquajturi Procesi i Korfuzit bllokoi nism\u00ebn e re t\u00eb siguris\u00eb s\u00eb Rusis\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

Praktikisht t\u00eb gjitha institucionet e OKB-s\u00eb jan\u00eb shtrydhur nga kontinenti, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb Komisionin Ekonomik t\u00eb OKB-s\u00eb p\u00ebr Evrop\u00ebn, K\u00ebshillin e tij p\u00ebr t\u00eb Drejtat e Njeriut dhe K\u00ebshillin e Sigurimit. Nj\u00ebher\u00eb e nj\u00eb koh\u00eb, OSBE-ja shihej si nj\u00eb organizat\u00eb e dobishme q\u00eb do t\u00eb promovonte sistemin dhe parimet e OKB-s\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb n\u00ebnkontinent ky\u00e7. Kjo nuk ndodhi.<\/span><\/p>\n

Sa i p\u00ebrket NATO-s, \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb e qart\u00eb se \u00e7far\u00eb duhet t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb. Ne duhet t\u00eb minojm\u00eb legjitimitetin moral dhe politik t\u00eb bllokut dhe t\u00eb refuzojm\u00eb \u00e7do partneritet institucional, pasi kund\u00ebrproduktiviteti i tij \u00ebsht\u00eb i duksh\u00ebm. Vet\u00ebm ushtria duhet t\u00eb vazhdoj\u00eb t\u00eb komunikoj\u00eb, por si nj\u00eb kanal ndihm\u00ebs q\u00eb do t\u00eb plot\u00ebsonte dialogun me Department of Defense n\u00eb SHBA dhe Ministrit\u00eb e Mbrojtjes t\u00eb vendeve kryesore evropiane. N\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb Brukseli ai q\u00eb merr vendime t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme strategjike.<\/span><\/p>\n

E nj\u00ebjta politik\u00eb mund t\u00eb miratohet edhe kur b\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr OSBE-n\u00eb. Po, ka nj\u00eb ndryshim, sepse edhe pse kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb organizat\u00eb shkat\u00ebrruese, ajo kurr\u00eb nuk ka nisur luft\u00ebra, destabilizime apo vrasje. Pra, ne duhet ta mbajm\u00eb n\u00eb minimum p\u00ebrfshirjen ton\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb format. <\/span><\/p>\n

Disa thon\u00eb se ky \u00ebsht\u00eb i vetmi kontekst q\u00eb i jep ministrit t\u00eb Jasht\u00ebm rus nj\u00eb shans p\u00ebr t\u2019u takuar me homolog\u00ebt e tij. Kjo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb. OKB-ja mund t\u00eb ofroj\u00eb nj\u00eb kontekst edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb. Bisedimet dypal\u00ebshe jan\u00eb gjithsesi shum\u00eb m\u00eb efektive, sepse \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e leht\u00eb p\u00ebr bllokun t\u00eb rr\u00ebmbej\u00eb axhend\u00ebn kur ka nj\u00eb turm\u00eb. D\u00ebrgimi i v\u00ebzhguesve dhe paqeruajt\u00ebsve p\u00ebrmes OKB-s\u00eb do t\u00eb kishte gjithashtu shum\u00eb kuptim.<\/span><\/p>\n

Formati i kufizuar i artikullit nuk m\u00eb lejon t\u00eb ndalem n\u00eb politika specifike p\u00ebr \u00e7do organizat\u00eb evropiane, si p\u00ebr shembull K\u00ebshilli i Evrop\u00ebs. Por un\u00eb do ta p\u00ebrcaktoja parimin e p\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb – ne jemi partner\u00eb ku shohim p\u00ebrfitime p\u00ebr veten ton\u00eb nd\u00ebrsa p\u00ebrndryshe mbajm\u00eb distanc\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

Tridhjet\u00eb vjet n\u00ebn sistemin aktual t\u00eb institucioneve evropiane d\u00ebshmuan se vazhdimi me t\u00eb do t\u00eb ishte i d\u00ebmsh\u00ebm. Rusia nuk p\u00ebrfiton n\u00eb asnj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb nga prirja e Evrop\u00ebs drejt rritjes dhe p\u00ebrshkall\u00ebzimit t\u00eb konfrontimit apo edhe k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimit ushtarak p\u00ebr n\u00ebnkontinentin dhe mbar\u00eb bot\u00ebn.<\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00eb at\u00eb koh\u00eb, ne mund t\u00eb \u00ebnd\u00ebrronim q\u00eb Evropa do t\u00eb na ndihmonte t\u00eb forconim sigurin\u00eb, si dhe modernizimin politik dhe ekonomik. N\u00eb vend t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj, ata po minojn\u00eb sigurin\u00eb, k\u00ebshtu q\u00eb pse t\u00eb kopjojm\u00eb sistemin politik jofunksional dhe t\u00eb p\u00ebrkeq\u00ebsuar t\u00eb Per\u00ebndimit? A na duhen v\u00ebrtet k\u00ebto vlera t\u00eb reja q\u00eb ata kan\u00eb adoptuar?<\/span><\/p>\n

Ne do t\u00eb duhet t\u00eb kufizojm\u00eb zgjerimin duke refuzuar t\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunojm\u00eb brenda nj\u00eb sistemi g\u00ebrryes. Shpresojm\u00eb, duke mbajtur nj\u00eb q\u00ebndrim t\u00eb vendosur dhe duke i l\u00ebn\u00eb fqinj\u00ebt tan\u00eb t\u00eb qytet\u00ebrimit nga Per\u00ebndimi n\u00eb duart e tyre, ne n\u00eb fakt do t’i ndihmojm\u00eb ata. <\/span><\/p>\n

Elitat mund t\u00eb kthehen n\u00eb nj\u00eb politik\u00eb m\u00eb pak vet\u00ebvras\u00ebse q\u00eb do t\u00eb ishte m\u00eb e sigurt p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb. Natyrisht, duhet t\u00eb jemi t\u00eb zgjuar p\u00ebr ta nxjerr\u00eb veten jasht\u00eb ekuacionit dhe t\u00eb sigurohemi q\u00eb t\u00eb minimizojm\u00eb d\u00ebmin kolateral q\u00eb sistemi i d\u00ebshtuar do t\u00eb shkaktoj\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb pashmangshme. Por mbajtja e tij n\u00eb form\u00ebn e tij aktuale \u00ebsht\u00eb thjesht e rrezikshme.<\/span><\/p>\n

Politikat p\u00ebr Rusin\u00eb e s\u00eb nes\u00ebrmes<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Teksa rendi ekzistues global vazhdon t\u00eb shk\u00ebrmoqet, duket se rruga m\u00eb e kujdesshme p\u00ebr Rusin\u00eb do t\u00eb ishte ta frenonte at\u00eb p\u00ebr aq koh\u00eb sa t\u00eb jet\u00eb e mundur – t\u00eb mbulohej brenda mureve t\u00eb \u2018k\u00ebshtjell\u00ebs s\u00eb saj neo-izoluese\u2019 dhe t\u00eb merrej me \u00e7\u00ebshtjet e brendshme. Por k\u00ebt\u00eb her\u00eb, historia k\u00ebrkon q\u00eb ne t\u00eb veprojm\u00eb. Shum\u00eb nga sugjerimet e mia n\u00eb lidhje me qasjen e politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme q\u00eb un\u00eb i kam quajtur paraprakisht \u2018shkat\u00ebrrim konstruktiv\u2019 dalin natyrsh\u00ebm nga analiza e paraqitur m\u00eb sip\u00ebr.<\/span><\/p>\n

Nuk ka nevoj\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyhet apo t\u00eb p\u00ebrpiqet t\u00eb ndikoj\u00eb n\u00eb dinamik\u00ebn e brendshme t\u00eb Per\u00ebndimit, elitat e t\u00eb cilit jan\u00eb mjaft t\u00eb d\u00ebshp\u00ebruara p\u00ebr t\u00eb nisur nj\u00eb Luft\u00eb t\u00eb re t\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb kund\u00ebr Rusis\u00eb. Ajo q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb n\u00eb vend t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorim instrumente t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme – p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb ato ushtarake – p\u00ebr t\u00eb vendosur disa vija t\u00eb kuqe.<\/span><\/p>\n

Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa sistemi per\u00ebndimor vazhdon t\u00eb drejtohet drejt degradimit moral, politik dhe ekonomik, fuqit\u00eb joper\u00ebndimore (me Rusin\u00eb si nj\u00eb lojtar kryesor) n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb pashmangshme do t\u00eb shohin forcimin e pozicioneve t\u00eb tyre gjeopolitike, gjeoekonomike dhe gjeoideologjike.<\/span><\/p>\n

Partner\u00ebt tan\u00eb per\u00ebndimor\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb parashikueshme p\u00ebrpiqen t\u00eb shuajn\u00eb thirrjet e Rusis\u00eb p\u00ebr garanci sigurie dhe t\u00eb p\u00ebrfitojn\u00eb nga procesi diplomatik n\u00eb vazhdim p\u00ebr t\u00eb zgjatur jet\u00ebgjat\u00ebsin\u00eb e institucioneve t\u00eb tyre. Nuk ka nevoj\u00eb t\u00eb heq\u00ebsh dor\u00eb nga dialogu apo bashk\u00ebpunimi n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjet e tregtis\u00eb, politik\u00ebs, kultur\u00ebs, arsimit dhe sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsis\u00eb, sa her\u00eb q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e dobishme.<\/span><\/p>\n

Por ne duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorim gjithashtu koh\u00ebn q\u00eb kemi p\u00ebr t\u00eb rritur presionin ushtarako-politik, psikologjik dhe madje edhe ushtarak-teknik – jo aq shum\u00eb ndaj Ukrain\u00ebs, njer\u00ebzit e s\u00eb cil\u00ebs jan\u00eb shnd\u00ebrruar n\u00eb mish p\u00ebr top p\u00ebr nj\u00eb Luft\u00eb t\u00eb re t\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb – por mbi Per\u00ebndimi kolektiv, p\u00ebr ta detyruar at\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshoj\u00eb mendje dhe t\u00eb t\u00ebrhiqet nga politikat q\u00eb ka ndjekur gjat\u00eb disa dekadave t\u00eb fundit. <\/span><\/p>\n

Nuk ka asgj\u00eb p\u00ebr t’u frik\u00ebsuar p\u00ebr p\u00ebrshkall\u00ebzimin e konfrontimit: Ne pam\u00eb q\u00eb tensionet t\u00eb rriteshin edhe pse Rusia po p\u00ebrpiqej t\u00eb qet\u00ebsonte bot\u00ebn per\u00ebndimore. Ajo q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrgatitemi p\u00ebr nj\u00eb shtyrje m\u00eb t\u00eb fort\u00eb nga Per\u00ebndimi; Gjithashtu, Rusia duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje t’i ofroj\u00eb bot\u00ebs nj\u00eb alternativ\u00eb afatgjat\u00eb – nj\u00eb korniz\u00eb t\u00eb re politike t\u00eb bazuar n\u00eb paqen dhe bashk\u00ebpunimin.<\/span><\/p>\n

Per\u00ebndimi mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrpiqet t\u00eb na frik\u00ebsoj\u00eb me sanksione shkat\u00ebrruese – por ne jemi gjithashtu t\u00eb aft\u00eb ta frenojm\u00eb Per\u00ebndimin me k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimin ton\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigjeje asimetrike, e cila do t\u00eb gjymtonte ekonomit\u00eb per\u00ebndimore dhe do t\u00eb prishte shoq\u00ebri t\u00eb t\u00ebra.<\/span><\/p>\n

Natyrisht, \u00ebsht\u00eb e dobishme t’u kujtojm\u00eb partner\u00ebve tan\u00eb, her\u00eb pas here, se ekziston nj\u00eb alternativ\u00eb e dobishme p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00ebse Rusia kryen politika t\u00eb arsyeshme, por t\u00eb sigurta (edhe brenda vendit), ajo do t\u00eb kap\u00ebrcej\u00eb me sukses (dhe relativisht n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb paq\u00ebsore) val\u00ebn e fundit t\u00eb armiq\u00ebsis\u00eb per\u00ebndimore. Si\u00e7 kam shkruar m\u00eb par\u00eb, ne kemi nj\u00eb shans t\u00eb mir\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb fituar k\u00ebt\u00eb Luft\u00eb t\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ajo q\u00eb frym\u00ebzon gjithashtu optimiz\u00ebm \u00ebsht\u00eb historia e vet\u00eb Rusis\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn: ne kemi arritur m\u00eb shum\u00eb se nj\u00eb her\u00eb t\u00eb zbutim ambiciet perandorake t\u00eb fuqive t\u00eb huaja – p\u00ebr t\u00eb mir\u00ebn ton\u00eb dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb mir\u00ebn e njer\u00ebzimit n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsi. Rusia ishte n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrronte perandorit\u00eb e mundshme n\u00eb fqinj\u00eb t\u00eb zbutur dhe relativisht t\u00eb pad\u00ebmsh\u00ebm: Suedin\u00eb pas Betej\u00ebs s\u00eb Poltava, Franc\u00ebn pas Borodinos, Gjermanin\u00eb pas Stalingradit dhe Berlinit.<\/span><\/p>\n

Mund t\u00eb gjejm\u00eb nj\u00eb slogan p\u00ebr politik\u00ebn e re ruse ndaj Per\u00ebndimit n\u00eb nj\u00eb varg nga \u2018Scythians\u2019 t\u00eb Alexander Blok, nj\u00eb poezi brilante q\u00eb duket ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme sot: “Ejani bashkohuni me ne, at\u00ebher\u00eb! L\u00ebreni luft\u00ebn e alarmet e saj, \/ Dhe kapni dor\u00ebn e paqes dhe miq\u00ebsis\u00eb. \/ Sa ka koh\u00eb, shok\u00eb, ulini arm\u00ebt! \/ Le t\u00eb bashkohemi n\u00eb v\u00ebllaz\u00ebri t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb!\u201d<\/em><\/span><\/p>\n

Nd\u00ebrsa p\u00ebrpiqemi t\u00eb sh\u00ebrojm\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet tona me Per\u00ebndimin (edhe n\u00ebse kjo k\u00ebrkon nj\u00eb ila\u00e7 t\u00eb hidhur), ne duhet t\u00eb kujtojm\u00eb se, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb kulturalisht \u00ebsht\u00eb af\u00ebr nesh, bot\u00ebs per\u00ebndimore po i mbaron koha – n\u00eb fakt, ka dy dekada tashm\u00eb. N\u00eb thelb \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb modalitetin e kontrollit t\u00eb d\u00ebmtimit, duke k\u00ebrkuar bashk\u00ebpunim sa her\u00eb q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e mundur. <\/span><\/p>\n

Perspektivat dhe sfidat reale t\u00eb s\u00eb tashmes dhe t\u00eb s\u00eb ardhmes son\u00eb jan\u00eb Lindja dhe Jugu. Marrja e nj\u00eb q\u00ebndrimi m\u00eb t\u00eb ashp\u00ebr me vendet per\u00ebndimore nuk duhet ta shp\u00ebrqendroj\u00eb Rusin\u00eb nga ruajtja e strumbullarit t\u00eb saj drejt Lindjes. Dhe ne e kemi par\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb strumbullar t\u00eb ngadal\u00ebsohet n\u00eb dy ose tre vitet e fundit, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht kur b\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr zhvillimin e territoreve p\u00ebrtej maleve Ural.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ne nuk duhet t\u00eb lejojm\u00eb q\u00eb Ukraina t\u00eb b\u00ebhet nj\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim sigurie p\u00ebr Rusin\u00eb. Th\u00ebn\u00eb kjo, do t\u00eb ishte kund\u00ebrproduktive t\u00eb shpenzoheshin shum\u00eb burime administrative dhe politike (p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos p\u00ebrmendur ekonomike) p\u00ebr t\u00eb. Rusia duhet t\u00eb m\u00ebsoj\u00eb t\u00eb menaxhoj\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb aktive k\u00ebt\u00eb situat\u00eb t\u00eb paq\u00ebndrueshme, ta mbaj\u00eb at\u00eb brenda kufijve. Pjesa m\u00eb e madhe e Ukrain\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb sterilizuar nga elita e saj antikomb\u00ebtare, e korruptuar nga Per\u00ebndimi dhe e infektuar me patogjenin e nacionalizmit militant.<\/span><\/p>\n

Do t\u00eb ishte shum\u00eb m\u00eb efektive t\u00eb investosh n\u00eb Lindje, n\u00eb zhvillimin e Siberis\u00eb. Duke krijuar kushte t\u00eb favorshme pune dhe jetese, ne do t\u00eb t\u00ebrheqim jo vet\u00ebm qytetar\u00eb rus\u00eb, por edhe njer\u00ebz nga pjes\u00ebt e tjera t\u00eb ish-Perandoris\u00eb Ruse, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb edhe ukrainasit. K\u00ebto t\u00eb fundit, historikisht, kan\u00eb kontribuar shum\u00eb n\u00eb zhvillimin e Siberis\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

M\u00eb lejoni t\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebris nj\u00eb pik\u00eb nga artikujt e mi t\u00eb tjer\u00eb: ishte p\u00ebrfshirja e Siberis\u00eb n\u00ebn Ivanin e Tmerrsh\u00ebm q\u00eb e b\u00ebri Rusin\u00eb nj\u00eb fuqi t\u00eb madhe, jo pranimi i Ukrain\u00ebs n\u00ebn Aleksey Mikhaylovich, i njohur me nofk\u00ebn \u2018paq\u00ebsori\u2019. \u00cbsht\u00eb koha q\u00eb t\u00eb ndalojm\u00eb s\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebrituri pohimin e pasinqert\u00eb – dhe kaq t\u00eb habitsh\u00ebm – t\u00eb Zbigniew Brzezinskit se Rusia nuk mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb nj\u00eb fuqi e madhe pa Ukrain\u00ebn. E kund\u00ebrta \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb af\u00ebr t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs: Rusia nuk mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb nj\u00eb fuqi e madhe kur ajo r\u00ebndohet nga nj\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb e pafuqishme – nj\u00eb entitet politik i krijuar nga Lenini i cili m\u00eb von\u00eb u zgjerua drejt per\u00ebndimit n\u00ebn Stalinin.<\/span><\/p>\n

Rruga m\u00eb premtuese p\u00ebr Rusin\u00eb q\u00ebndron tek zhvillimi dhe forcimi i lidhjeve me Kin\u00ebn. Nj\u00eb partneritet me Pekinin do t\u00eb shum\u00ebfishonte potencialin e t\u00eb dy vendeve shum\u00ebfish. N\u00ebse Per\u00ebndimi vazhdon me politikat e tij ashp\u00ebr armiq\u00ebsore, nuk do t\u00eb ishte e paarsyeshme t\u00eb konsiderohej nj\u00eb aleanc\u00eb e p\u00ebrkohshme e mbrojtjes pes\u00ebvje\u00e7are me Kin\u00ebn. <\/span><\/p>\n

Natyrisht, duhet pasur kujdes edhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos u \u2018marr\u00ebmendur\u2019 nga suksesi n\u00eb pist\u00ebn e Kin\u00ebs, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb mos kthehet n\u00eb modelin mesjetar t\u00eb Mbret\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb Mesme t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs, e cila u rrit duke i kthyer fqinj\u00ebt n\u00eb \u00a0vasal\u00eb. <\/span><\/p>\n

Ne duhet ta ndihmojm\u00eb Pekinin kudo q\u00eb t\u00eb mundemi q\u00eb t\u00eb mos p\u00ebsoj\u00eb qoft\u00eb edhe nj\u00eb disfat\u00eb momentale n\u00eb Luft\u00ebn e re t\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb t\u00eb nisur nga Per\u00ebndimi. Kjo disfat\u00eb do t\u00eb na dob\u00ebsonte edhe ne. P\u00ebrve\u00e7 k\u00ebsaj, ne e dim\u00eb shum\u00eb mir\u00eb se n\u00eb \u00e7far\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrohet Per\u00ebndimi kur mendon se po fiton. U desh\u00ebn disa mjete t\u00eb ashpra p\u00ebr t\u00eb trajtuar \u2018hangoverin\u2019 e Amerik\u00ebs pasi u deh nga pushteti n\u00eb vitet 1990.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00cbsht\u00eb e qart\u00eb se nj\u00eb politik\u00eb e orientuar drejt Lindjes nuk duhet t\u00eb fokusohet vet\u00ebm n\u00eb Kin\u00eb. Si Lindja ashtu edhe Jugu jan\u00eb n\u00eb rritje n\u00eb politik\u00ebn, ekonomin\u00eb dhe kultur\u00ebn globale, gj\u00eb q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb pjes\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb minimit ton\u00eb t\u00eb ep\u00ebrsis\u00eb ushtarake t\u00eb Per\u00ebndimit – burimi kryesor i hegjemonis\u00eb s\u00eb tij 500-vje\u00e7are.<\/span><\/p>\n

Kur t\u00eb vij\u00eb koha p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar nj\u00eb sistem t\u00eb ri t\u00eb siguris\u00eb evropiane p\u00ebr t\u00eb z\u00ebvend\u00ebsuar at\u00eb ekzistues t\u00eb vjet\u00ebruar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb rrezikshme, kjo duhet t\u00eb b\u00ebhet brenda korniz\u00ebs s\u00eb nj\u00eb projekti m\u00eb t\u00eb madh euroaziatik. Asgj\u00eb e vlefshme nuk mund t\u00eb lind\u00eb nga sistemi i vjet\u00ebr euroatlantik.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00cbsht\u00eb e vet\u00ebkuptueshme se suksesi k\u00ebrkon zhvillimin dhe modernizimin e potencialit ekonomik, teknologjik dhe shkencor t\u00eb vendit – t\u00eb gjitha shtyllat e fuqis\u00eb ushtarake t\u00eb nj\u00eb vendi, i cili mbetet shtylla kurrizore e sovranitetit dhe siguris\u00eb s\u00eb \u00e7do kombi. Rusia nuk mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb e suksesshme pa p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsuar cil\u00ebsin\u00eb e jet\u00ebs p\u00ebr shumic\u00ebn e njer\u00ebzve t\u00eb saj: Kjo p\u00ebrfshin prosperitetin e p\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm, kujdesin sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsor, arsimin dhe mjedisin.<\/span><\/p>\n

Kufizimi i lirive politike, i cili \u00ebsht\u00eb i pashmangsh\u00ebm kur p\u00ebrballemi me Per\u00ebndimin kolektiv, nuk duhet t\u00eb shtrihet kurrsesi n\u00eb sfer\u00ebn intelektuale. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb, por e arritshme. P\u00ebr pjes\u00ebn e talentuar, me mendje krijuese t\u00eb popullsis\u00eb q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e gatshme t’i sh\u00ebrbej\u00eb vendit, duhet t\u00eb ruajm\u00eb sa m\u00eb shum\u00eb liri intelektuale. Zhvillimi shkencor p\u00ebrmes ‘sharashkave’ t\u00eb stilit sovjetik (laborator\u00eb k\u00ebrkimi dhe zhvillimi q\u00eb funksionojn\u00eb brenda sistemit t\u00eb kampeve sovjetike t\u00eb pun\u00ebs) nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb di\u00e7ka q\u00eb do t\u00eb funksiononte n\u00eb bot\u00ebn moderne. <\/span><\/p>\n

Liria rrit talentet e popullit rus dhe shpikja rrjedh n\u00eb gjakun ton\u00eb. Edhe n\u00eb politik\u00ebn e jashtme, liria nga kufizimet ideologjike q\u00eb g\u00ebzojm\u00eb na ofron p\u00ebrpar\u00ebsi masive n\u00eb krahasim me fqinj\u00ebt tan\u00eb m\u00eb mendjengusht\u00eb. Historia na m\u00ebson se kufizimi brutal i liris\u00eb s\u00eb mendimit i imponuar nga regjimi komunist mbi popullin e tij e \u00e7oi Bashkimin Sovjetik drejt shkat\u00ebrrimit. Ruajtja e liris\u00eb personale \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb kusht thelb\u00ebsor p\u00ebr zhvillimin e \u00e7do kombi.<\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00ebse duam t\u00eb rritemi si shoq\u00ebri dhe t\u00eb jemi fitimtar\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb absolutisht jetike q\u00eb t\u00eb zhvillojm\u00eb nj\u00eb shtyll\u00eb shpirt\u00ebrore – nj\u00eb ide komb\u00ebtare, nj\u00eb ideologji q\u00eb bashkon dhe ndri\u00e7on rrug\u00ebn p\u00ebrpara. \u00cbsht\u00eb nj\u00eb e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb themelore q\u00eb kombet e m\u00ebdha nuk mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb v\u00ebrtet t\u00eb m\u00ebdhenj pa nj\u00eb ide t\u00eb till\u00eb n\u00eb thelbin e tyre. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb pjes\u00eb e tragjedis\u00eb q\u00eb na ndodhi n\u00eb vitet 1970 dhe 1980. Shpresojm\u00eb se rezistenca e elitave n\u00eb pushtet ndaj avancimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb ideologjie t\u00eb re, e rr\u00ebnjosur n\u00eb dhimbjet e epok\u00ebs komuniste, ka filluar t\u00eb zbehet. Fjalimi i Vladimir Putin n\u00eb takimin vjetor t\u00eb tetorit 2021 t\u00eb Klubit t\u00eb Diskutimit Valdai ishte nj\u00eb sinjal i fuqish\u00ebm qet\u00ebsues n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ashtu si numri gjithnj\u00eb n\u00eb rritje i filozof\u00ebve dhe autor\u00ebve rus\u00eb, un\u00eb kam paraqitur vizionin tim p\u00ebr \u2018iden\u00eb ruse\u2019[3]. (K\u00ebrkoj falje q\u00eb duhet t’i referohem p\u00ebrs\u00ebri publikimeve t\u00eb mia – \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb efekt an\u00ebsor i pashmangsh\u00ebm i detyrimit p\u00ebr t’iu p\u00ebrmbajtur formatit).<\/span><\/p>\n

Pyetje p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Dhe tani le t\u00eb diskutojm\u00eb nj\u00eb aspekt t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm, por kryesisht t\u00eb anashkaluar t\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb re q\u00eb duhet trajtuar. Ne duhet t\u00eb hedhim posht\u00eb dhe reformojm\u00eb themelin ideologjik t\u00eb vjet\u00ebruar dhe shpesh t\u00eb d\u00ebmsh\u00ebm t\u00eb shkencave tona shoq\u00ebrore dhe t\u00eb jet\u00ebs publike q\u00eb kjo politik\u00eb e re t\u00eb zbatohet, e l\u00ebre m\u00eb t\u00eb ket\u00eb sukses.<\/span><\/p>\n

Kjo nuk do t\u00eb thot\u00eb q\u00eb ne duhet t\u00eb refuzojm\u00eb edhe nj\u00eb her\u00eb p\u00ebrparimet n\u00eb shkencat politike, ekonomin\u00eb dhe pun\u00ebt e jashtme t\u00eb paraardh\u00ebsve tan\u00eb. Bolshevik\u00ebt u p\u00ebrpoq\u00ebn t\u00eb hidhnin posht\u00eb idet\u00eb sociale t\u00eb Rusis\u00eb cariste – t\u00eb gjith\u00eb e din\u00eb se si ndodhi kjo. Ne e hodh\u00ebm posht\u00eb marksizmin dhe ishim t\u00eb lumtur p\u00ebr t\u00eb. Tani, t\u00eb ngopur me parime t\u00eb tjera, e kuptojm\u00eb se ishim shum\u00eb t\u00eb paduruar me t\u00eb. Marksi, Engelsi dhe Lenini kishin ide t\u00eb sh\u00ebndosha n\u00eb teorin\u00eb e tyre t\u00eb imperializmit q\u00eb ne mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrdornim.<\/span><\/p>\n

Shkencat shoq\u00ebrore q\u00eb studiojn\u00eb m\u00ebnyrat e jet\u00ebs publike dhe private duhet t\u00eb marrin parasysh kontekstin komb\u00ebtar, sado gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebs q\u00eb d\u00ebshiron t\u00eb shfaqet. Ai buron nga historia komb\u00ebtare dhe n\u00eb fund synon t\u00eb ndihmoj\u00eb kombet dhe\/ose qeverin\u00eb dhe elitat e tyre. Zbatimi i pamend i zgjidhjeve t\u00eb vlefshme nga nj\u00eb vend n\u00eb tjetrin jan\u00eb t\u00eb pafrytshme dhe vet\u00ebm krijojn\u00eb neveri.<\/span><\/p>\n

Duhet t\u00eb fillojm\u00eb t\u00eb punojm\u00eb drejt pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb intelektuale pasi t\u00eb arrijm\u00eb sigurin\u00eb ushtarake dhe sovranitetin politik dhe ekonomik. N\u00eb bot\u00ebn e re, \u00ebsht\u00eb e detyrueshme t\u00eb arrihet zhvillimi dhe t\u00eb ushtrohet ndikim. Mikhail Remizov, nj\u00eb shkenc\u00ebtar i shquar politik rus, ishte i pari, me sa di un\u00eb, q\u00eb e quajti k\u00ebt\u00eb \u2018dekolonizim intelektual\u2019.<\/span><\/p>\n

Duke kaluar dekada n\u00ebn hijen e marksizmit t\u00eb importuar, ne kemi filluar nj\u00eb tranzicion drejt nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr ideologjie t\u00eb huaj t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb liberale n\u00eb ekonomi dhe shkenca politike dhe, n\u00eb nj\u00eb far\u00eb mase, edhe n\u00eb politik\u00ebn e jashtme dhe mbrojtjen. Kjo magjepsje nuk na ka b\u00ebr\u00eb asgj\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb – ne kemi humbur tok\u00eb, teknologji dhe njer\u00ebz. N\u00eb mesin e viteve 2000, ne filluam t\u00eb ushtrojm\u00eb sovranitetin ton\u00eb, por duhej t\u00eb mb\u00ebshteteshim n\u00eb instinktet tona dhe jo n\u00eb parime t\u00eb qarta komb\u00ebtare (p\u00ebrs\u00ebri – nuk mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb asgj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr) shkencore dhe ideologjike.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ne ende nuk kemi guximin t\u00eb pranojm\u00eb se bot\u00ebkuptimi shkencor dhe ideologjik q\u00eb kemi pasur gjat\u00eb dyzet-pes\u00ebdhjet\u00eb viteve t\u00eb fundit \u00ebsht\u00eb i vjet\u00ebruar dhe\/ose kishte p\u00ebr q\u00ebllim t’u sh\u00ebrbente elitave t\u00eb huaja.<\/span><\/p>\n

P\u00ebr t\u00eb ilustruar k\u00ebt\u00eb pik\u00eb, k\u00ebtu jan\u00eb disa pyetje t\u00eb zgjedhura rast\u00ebsisht nga lista ime shum\u00eb e gjat\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

Do t\u00eb filloj me \u00e7\u00ebshtje ekzistenciale, thjesht filozofike. \u00c7far\u00eb vjen e para te njer\u00ebzit, shpirti apo l\u00ebnda? Dhe n\u00eb kuptimin m\u00eb t\u00eb zakonsh\u00ebm politik – \u00e7far\u00eb i shtyn njer\u00ebzit dhe shtetet n\u00eb bot\u00ebn moderne? P\u00ebr marksist\u00ebt dhe liberal\u00ebt e zakonsh\u00ebm, p\u00ebrgjigja \u00ebsht\u00eb ekonomia. Vet\u00ebm mos harroni se deri von\u00eb vepra e famshme e Bill Clinton “It’s the economy, stupid” mendohej t\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb aksiom\u00eb. Por njer\u00ebzit k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb di\u00e7ka m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe kur plot\u00ebsohet nevoja baz\u00eb p\u00ebr ushqim. Dashuria p\u00ebr familjen, atdheun e tyre, d\u00ebshir\u00ebn p\u00ebr dinjitet komb\u00ebtar, lirit\u00eb personale, pushtetin dhe fam\u00ebn. Hierarkia e nevojave ka qen\u00eb e njohur p\u00ebr ne q\u00eb kur Maslow e prezantoi at\u00eb n\u00eb vitet 1940\u201350 n\u00eb piramid\u00ebn e tij t\u00eb famshme. Megjithat\u00eb, kapitalizmi modern e shtremb\u00ebroi at\u00eb, duke detyruar konsumin gjithnj\u00eb n\u00eb zgjerim n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet mediave tradicionale n\u00eb fillim dhe rrjeteve dixhitale gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebse m\u00eb von\u00eb \u2013 p\u00ebr t\u00eb pasurit dhe t\u00eb varf\u00ebrit, secili sipas aft\u00ebsive t\u00eb tyre.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00c7far\u00eb mund t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb kur kapitalizmi modern i privuar nga baza morale ose fetare nxit konsumimin e pakufish\u00ebm, duke thyer kufijt\u00eb moral\u00eb dhe gjeografik\u00eb dhe bie n\u00eb konflikt me natyr\u00ebn, duke k\u00ebrc\u00ebnuar vet\u00eb ekzistenc\u00ebn e specieve tona? Ne, rus\u00ebt, e kuptojm\u00eb m\u00eb mir\u00eb se kushdo q\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekjet p\u00ebr t\u00eb hequr qafe sip\u00ebrmarr\u00ebsit dhe kapitalist\u00ebt q\u00eb nxiten nga d\u00ebshira p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar pasuri do t\u00eb ket\u00eb pasoja katastrofike p\u00ebr shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb dhe mjedisin (modeli i ekonomis\u00eb socialiste nuk ishte sakt\u00ebsisht miq\u00ebsor me mjedisin).<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00c7far\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb ne me vlerat m\u00eb t\u00eb fundit t\u00eb refuzimit t\u00eb historis\u00eb, atdheut, gjinis\u00eb dhe besimeve tuaja, si dhe l\u00ebvizjeve agresive LGBT dhe ultra-feministe? Un\u00eb respektoj t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn p\u00ebr t’i ndjekur ata, por mendoj se jan\u00eb post-humanist\u00eb. A duhet ta trajtojm\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb vet\u00ebm si nj\u00eb faz\u00eb tjet\u00ebr t\u00eb evolucionit shoq\u00ebror? <\/span><\/p>\n

Un\u00eb nuk mendoj k\u00ebshtu. A duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrpiqemi ta largojm\u00eb at\u00eb, t\u00eb kufizojm\u00eb p\u00ebrhapjen e tij dhe t\u00eb presim derisa shoq\u00ebria t\u00eb jetoj\u00eb p\u00ebrmes k\u00ebsaj epidemie morale? Apo duhet ta luftojm\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb aktive, duke udh\u00ebhequr shumic\u00ebn e njer\u00ebzimit q\u00eb u p\u00ebrmbahet t\u00eb ashtuquajturave vlera \u2018konservatore\u2019 ose, th\u00ebn\u00eb thjesht, vlerat normale njer\u00ebzore? A duhet t\u00eb futemi n\u00eb luft\u00ebn p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrshkall\u00ebzuar nj\u00eb konfrontim tashm\u00eb t\u00eb rreziksh\u00ebm me elitat per\u00ebndimore?<\/span><\/p>\n

Zhvillimi teknologjik dhe rritja e produktivitetit t\u00eb pun\u00ebs kan\u00eb ndihmuar n\u00eb ushqimin e shumic\u00ebs s\u00eb njer\u00ebzve, por vet\u00eb bota ka rr\u00ebshqitur n\u00eb anarki dhe shum\u00eb parime udh\u00ebzuese kan\u00eb humbur n\u00eb nivel global. Shqet\u00ebsimet e siguris\u00eb, ndoshta, po mbizot\u00ebrojn\u00eb mbi ekonomin\u00eb edhe nj\u00eb her\u00eb. Instrumentet ushtarake dhe vullneti politik mund t\u00eb marrin drejtimin tani e tutje.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00c7far\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb parandalimi ushtarak n\u00eb bot\u00ebn moderne? A \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim p\u00ebr t\u00eb shkaktuar d\u00ebme ndaj aseteve komb\u00ebtare dhe individuale apo aseteve t\u00eb huaja dhe infrastruktur\u00ebs s\u00eb informacionit me t\u00eb cilat elitat e sotme per\u00ebndimore jan\u00eb t\u00eb lidhura kaq ngusht\u00eb? \u00c7far\u00eb do t\u00eb b\u00ebhet me bot\u00ebn per\u00ebndimore n\u00ebse rr\u00ebzohet kjo infrastruktur\u00eb?<\/span><\/p>\n

Dhe nj\u00eb pyetje e lidhur: P\u00ebr \u00e7far\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb barazia strategjike p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebn flasim ende sot? A jan\u00eb marr\u00ebzit\u00eb e huaja t\u00eb zgjedhura nga udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit sovjetik\u00eb q\u00eb thith\u00ebn popullin e tyre n\u00eb nj\u00eb gar\u00eb rraskapit\u00ebse arm\u00ebsh p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb kompleksit t\u00eb tyre t\u00eb inferioritetit dhe sindrom\u00ebs s\u00eb 22 qershorit 1941? Duket sikur tashm\u00eb po i p\u00ebrgjigjemi k\u00ebsaj pyetjeje, edhe pse ende mbajm\u00eb fjalime p\u00ebr barazi dhe masa simetrike.<\/span><\/p>\n

Dhe \u00e7far\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb ky kontroll i arm\u00ebve q\u00eb shum\u00eb besojn\u00eb se \u00ebsht\u00eb instrumental? A \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr t\u00eb frenuar gar\u00ebn e shtrenjt\u00eb t\u00eb armatimeve e dobishme p\u00ebr ekonomin\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb pasur, p\u00ebr t\u00eb kufizuar rrezikun e armiq\u00ebsive apo di\u00e7ka m\u00eb shum\u00eb – nj\u00eb mjet p\u00ebr t\u00eb legjitimuar gar\u00ebn, zhvillimin e arm\u00ebve dhe procesin e programeve t\u00eb panevojshme ndaj kund\u00ebrshtarit tuaj? Nuk ka asnj\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje t\u00eb qart\u00eb p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

Por le t\u00eb kthehemi te pyetjet m\u00eb ekzistenciale.<\/span><\/p>\n

A \u00ebsht\u00eb v\u00ebrtet demokracia kulmi i zhvillimit politik? Apo \u00ebsht\u00eb thjesht nj\u00eb mjet tjet\u00ebr q\u00eb ndihmon elitat t\u00eb kontrollojn\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb, n\u00ebse nuk po flasim p\u00ebr demokracin\u00eb e past\u00ebr t\u00eb Aristotelit (e cila gjithashtu ka disa kufizime)? Ka shum\u00eb mjete q\u00eb vijn\u00eb dhe shkojn\u00eb nd\u00ebrsa shoq\u00ebria dhe kushtet ndryshojn\u00eb. Ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb ne i braktisim ato vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr t’i rikthyer kur \u00ebsht\u00eb koha e duhur dhe ka k\u00ebrkesa t\u00eb jashtme dhe t\u00eb brendshme p\u00ebr ta. <\/span><\/p>\n

Un\u00eb nuk po b\u00ebj thirrje p\u00ebr autoritariz\u00ebm apo monarki t\u00eb pakufishme. Mendoj se tashm\u00eb e kemi tepruar me centralizimin, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb nivel komunal. Por n\u00ebse ky \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb mjet, a nuk duhet t\u00eb ndalojm\u00eb s\u00eb pretenduari se p\u00ebrpiqemi p\u00ebr demokraci dhe ta themi drejt \u2013 duam liri personale, nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri t\u00eb begat\u00eb, siguri dhe dinjitet komb\u00ebtar? Por si t’ia justifikojm\u00eb pushtetin popullit at\u00ebher\u00eb?<\/span><\/p>\n

A \u00ebsht\u00eb v\u00ebrtet i destinuar t\u00eb vdes\u00eb shteti, si\u00e7 besonin marksist\u00ebt dhe globalist\u00ebt liberal\u00eb, pasi \u00ebnd\u00ebrronin p\u00ebr aleanca midis korporatave transnacionale, OJQ-ve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare (t\u00eb dyja kan\u00eb kaluar n\u00ebp\u00ebr nacionalizim dhe privatizim) dhe organeve politike mbikomb\u00ebtare? Do t\u00eb shohim se sa koh\u00eb mund t\u00eb mbijetoj\u00eb BE-ja n\u00eb form\u00ebn e saj aktuale.<\/span><\/p>\n

Vini re se nuk dua t\u00eb them se nuk ka asnj\u00eb arsye p\u00ebr t’u bashkuar me p\u00ebrpjekjet komb\u00ebtare p\u00ebr t\u00eb mir\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe, si r\u00ebnia e barrierave t\u00eb shtrenjta doganore ose futja e politikave t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta mjedisore. Apo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb mir\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrqendroheni n\u00eb zhvillimin e shtetit tuaj dhe n\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetjen e fqinj\u00ebve duke shp\u00ebrfillur problemet globale t\u00eb krijuara nga t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt? A nuk do t\u00eb ngat\u00ebrrohen me ne n\u00ebse ne veprojm\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb?<\/span><\/p>\n

Cili \u00ebsht\u00eb roli i tok\u00ebs dhe territoreve? A \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb pasuri n\u00eb pak\u00ebsim, nj\u00eb barr\u00eb si\u00e7 besohej mes shkenc\u00ebtar\u00ebve politik\u00eb vet\u00ebm koh\u00ebt e fundit? Apo thesari m\u00eb i madh komb\u00ebtar, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht p\u00ebrball\u00eb kriz\u00ebs mjedisore, ndryshimeve klimatike, munges\u00ebs n\u00eb rritje t\u00eb ujit dhe ushqimit n\u00eb disa rajone dhe munges\u00ebs totale t\u00eb tij n\u00eb t\u00eb tjera?<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00c7far\u00eb duhet t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb at\u00ebher\u00eb me qindra miliona pakistanez\u00eb, indian\u00eb, arab\u00eb dhe t\u00eb tjer\u00eb, tokat e t\u00eb cil\u00ebve s\u00eb shpejti mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb pabanueshme? A duhet t’i ftojm\u00eb ata tani si\u00e7 filluan t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb SHBA dhe Evropa n\u00eb vitet 1960, duke t\u00ebrhequr emigrant\u00ebt p\u00ebr t\u00eb ulur koston e pun\u00ebs lokale dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb minuar sindikatat? Apo duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrgatitemi p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbrojtur territoret tona nga t\u00eb huajt? N\u00eb at\u00eb rast, ne duhet t\u00eb braktisim \u00e7do shpres\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb zhvilluar demokracin\u00eb, si\u00e7 tregon p\u00ebrvoja e Izraelit me popullsin\u00eb e tij arabe.<\/span><\/p>\n

A do t\u00eb ndihmonte zhvillimi i robotik\u00ebs, i cili aktualisht \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb dhimbshme, n\u00eb kompensimin e munges\u00ebs s\u00eb fuqis\u00eb pun\u00ebtore dhe p\u00ebr t’i b\u00ebr\u00eb ato territore p\u00ebrs\u00ebri t\u00eb jetueshme? Cili \u00ebsht\u00eb roli i popullit autokton rus n\u00eb vendin ton\u00eb, duke pasur parasysh se numri i tyre n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb pashmangshme do t\u00eb vazhdoj\u00eb t\u00eb zvog\u00eblohet? Duke qen\u00eb se rus\u00ebt kan\u00eb qen\u00eb historikisht nj\u00eb popull i hapur, perspektivat mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb optimiste. Por deri tani \u00ebsht\u00eb e paqart\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

Mund t\u00eb vazhdoj dhe t\u00eb vazhdoj, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht kur b\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr ekonomin\u00eb. K\u00ebto pyetje duhen b\u00ebr\u00eb dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb jetike p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjetur p\u00ebrgjigje sa m\u00eb shpejt q\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb e mundur n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb rriteni dhe t\u00eb dilni n\u00eb krye. Rusia ka nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb ekonomi t\u00eb re politike \u2013 t\u00eb lir\u00eb nga dogmat marksiste dhe liberale, por di\u00e7ka m\u00eb shum\u00eb se pragmatizmi aktual ku bazohet politika jon\u00eb e jashtme. Ai duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshij\u00eb idealizmin e orientuar drejt p\u00ebrpara, nj\u00eb ideologji t\u00eb re ruse q\u00eb p\u00ebrfshin historin\u00eb dhe traditat tona filozofike. Kjo i b\u00ebn jehon\u00eb ideve t\u00eb paraqitura nga akademiku Pavel Tsygankov.<\/span><\/p>\n

Un\u00eb besoj se ky \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00ebllimi p\u00ebrfundimtar i t\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebrkimeve tona n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet e jashtme, shkencat politike, ekonomin\u00eb dhe filozofin\u00eb. Kjo detyr\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb. Ne mund t\u00eb vazhdojm\u00eb t\u00eb kontribuojm\u00eb p\u00ebr shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb dhe vendin ton\u00eb vet\u00ebm duke thyer modelet tona t\u00eb vjetra t\u00eb t\u00eb menduarit. Por p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrfunduar me nj\u00eb not\u00eb optimiste, ja nj\u00eb mendim humoristik: a nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb koha t\u00eb pranojm\u00eb se l\u00ebnda e studimeve tona – pun\u00ebt e jashtme, politikat e brendshme dhe ekonomia – \u00ebsht\u00eb rezultat i nj\u00eb procesi krijues q\u00eb p\u00ebrfshin masat dhe udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit nj\u00ebsoj? <\/span><\/p>\n

T\u00eb pranosh q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb, n\u00eb nj\u00eb far\u00eb m\u00ebnyre, art? N\u00eb nj\u00eb mas\u00eb t\u00eb madhe, ai kund\u00ebrshton shpjegimin dhe buron nga intuita dhe talenti. Dhe k\u00ebshtu ne jemi si ekspert\u00eb t\u00eb artit: Ne flasim p\u00ebr t\u00eb, identifikojm\u00eb tendencat dhe u m\u00ebsojm\u00eb artist\u00ebve – masave dhe lider\u00ebve – historin\u00eb, e cila \u00ebsht\u00eb e dobishme p\u00ebr ta. Megjithat\u00eb, shpesh humbasim n\u00eb teori, duke dal\u00eb me ide t\u00eb shk\u00ebputura nga realiteti ose duke e shtremb\u00ebruar at\u00eb duke u fokusuar n\u00eb fragmente t\u00eb ve\u00e7anta.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb ne b\u00ebjm\u00eb histori: mendoni Evgeny Primakov ose Henry Kissinger. Por un\u00eb do t\u00eb argumentoja se nuk u interesonte se \u00e7far\u00eb qasjesh n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb histori arti p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsonin. Ata u mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebn n\u00eb njohurit\u00eb, p\u00ebrvoj\u00ebn personale, parimet morale dhe intuit\u00ebn e tyre. M\u00eb p\u00eblqen ideja q\u00eb ne t\u00eb jemi nj\u00eb lloj eksperti arti dhe besoj se kjo mund ta b\u00ebj\u00eb detyr\u00ebn e frikshme t\u00eb rishikimit t\u00eb dogmave pak m\u00eb t\u00eb leht\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

*<\/span>Ky artikull u botua p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb n\u00eb internet nga revista \u2018Rusia n\u00eb \u00c7\u00ebshtjet Globale\u2019.<\/span><\/a><\/span><\/em><\/p>\n

VINI RE<\/strong><\/span>: Ky material \u00ebsht\u00eb pron\u00ebsi intelektuale e RT<\/span><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false,"gt_translate_keys":[{"key":"rendered","format":"html"}]},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Nga Profesor Sergey Karaganov, kryetar nderi i K\u00ebshillit t\u00eb Rusis\u00eb p\u00ebr Politik\u00ebn e Jashtme dhe Mbrojt\u00ebse, dhe mbik\u00ebqyr\u00ebs akademik n\u00eb Shkoll\u00ebn e Lart\u00eb t\u00eb Ekonomis\u00eb Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare dhe Pun\u00ebve t\u00eb Jashtme (HSE) n\u00eb Mosk\u00eb Duket sikur Rusia ka hyr\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb epok\u00eb t\u00eb re t\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb saj t\u00eb jashtme – nj\u00eb \u2018shkat\u00ebrrim konstruktiv\u2019, le ta […]<\/p>\n","protected":false,"gt_translate_keys":[{"key":"rendered","format":"html"}]},"author":51,"featured_media":507102,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[6],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-507101","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-nderkombetare"],"gt_translate_keys":[{"key":"link","format":"url"}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/507101","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/51"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=507101"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/507101\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/507102"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=507101"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=507101"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=507101"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}