{"id":376504,"date":"2020-05-30T09:31:54","date_gmt":"2020-05-30T07:31:54","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/hashtag.al\/?p=376504"},"modified":"2020-05-30T09:31:54","modified_gmt":"2020-05-30T07:31:54","slug":"argumentet-pse-sistemi-aktual-zgjedhor-ne-shqiperi-eshte-problematik","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/2020\/05\/30\/argumentet-pse-sistemi-aktual-zgjedhor-ne-shqiperi-eshte-problematik\/","title":{"rendered":"Argumentet – Pse sistemi aktual zgjedhor n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri \u00ebsht\u00eb problematik","gt_translate_keys":[{"key":"rendered","format":"text"}]},"content":{"rendered":"

\"\"<\/a><\/p>\n

Kryefjala e dit\u00ebve t\u00eb fundit \u00ebsht\u00eb sistemi zgjedhor q\u00eb Nisma Thurje, e partit\u00eb e vogla n\u00eb vend e shohin si problematik. Por partit\u00eb kryesore si\u00e7 duket nuk e ndjejn\u00eb t\u00eb nevojsh\u00ebm ndryshimin e sistemit dhe jan\u00eb t\u00eb fokusuar vet\u00ebm n\u00eb p\u00ebrmbylljen e Reform\u00ebs Zgjedhore, pa b\u00ebr\u00eb ndryshime t\u00eb sistemit.<\/span><\/p>\n

Nisma Thurje q\u00eb n\u00eb muajin janar, dor\u00ebzoi pran\u00eb Kuvendit t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb propozimet ligjore p\u00ebr ndryshimin e sistemit zgjedhor bashk\u00eb me 50 mij\u00eb firmat q\u00eb kishte mbledhur.<\/span><\/p>\n

Propozimi \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb sistem zgjedhor p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimi proporcional me lista partiake t\u00eb hapura, q\u00eb votuesi t\u00eb ket\u00eb mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb p\u00ebrzgjedh\u00eb kandidat\u00ebt brenda list\u00ebs, sipas preferencave t\u00eb tij. \u00a0Po ashtu propozohet q\u00eb \u00e7do votues t\u00eb ket\u00eb mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb p\u00ebrzgjedh\u00eb deri n\u00eb pes\u00eb kandidat\u00eb. Hapja e listave dhe rritja e numrit t\u00eb votave dekurajon grupet q\u00eb mund t\u00eb synojn\u00eb pengimin e votuesit p\u00ebr t\u00eb marr\u00eb pjes\u00eb n\u00eb votime, pasi gara nuk do t\u00eb zhvillohet m\u00eb vet\u00ebm mes partive por edhe brenda saj.<\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00eb relacionin<\/a> <\/span>mbi propozimet p\u00ebr Reform\u00ebn Zgjedhore, aty kan\u00eb dh\u00ebn\u00eb dhe disa argumente se pse sistemi aktual \u00ebsht\u00eb problematik dhe duhet ndryshuar.<\/span><\/p>\n

PROBLEMATIKAT:<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n

1 – Pabarazia e vot\u00ebs<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n

Nisma Thurje thekson se me sistemin aktual, nj\u00eb deputet i Kuk\u00ebsit p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson n\u00eb Kuvend 27\u2019036 zgjedh\u00ebs, nd\u00ebrsa nj\u00eb deputet i Dibr\u00ebs p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson 21\u2019886 zgjedh\u00ebs. Pra, 87 mij\u00eb zgjedh\u00ebs n\u00eb Kuk\u00ebs p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsohen nga tre deputet\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa i nj\u00ebjti num\u00ebr zgjedh\u00ebsish n\u00eb Dib\u00ebr p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsohen nga kat\u00ebr deputet\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00eb fakt, n\u00ebse marrim mesataren 24\u2019687 zgjedh\u00ebs p\u00ebr nj\u00eb mandat, Dibra me 131\u2019313 zgjedh\u00ebs do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsohej n\u00eb Kuvend nga pes\u00eb mandate, jo gjasht\u00eb, si\u00e7 ndodh realisht.<\/span><\/p>\n

Kjo pabarazi \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe m\u00eb e madhe n\u00ebse krahasojm\u00eb numrin e mandateve p\u00ebr banor\u00eb. N\u00eb Tiran\u00eb, sipas censusit t\u00eb fundit, ka nj\u00eb mandat n\u00eb Kuvend p\u00ebr 26\u2019328 banor\u00eb. Nd\u00ebrsa n\u00eb Gjirokast\u00ebr ka nj\u00eb mandat p\u00ebr 12\u2019285 banor\u00eb. Pra banor\u00ebt e Gjirokastr\u00ebs kan\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsim n\u00eb Kuvend dy her\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb p\u00ebr num\u00ebr banor\u00ebsh krahasuar me Tiran\u00ebn.<\/span><\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb fakt i till\u00eb, ku vota e nj\u00eb banori t\u00eb nj\u00eb qarku ka nj\u00eb pesh\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimi se vota e nj\u00eb banori n\u00eb nj\u00eb qark tjet\u00ebr, c\u00ebnon parimin kushtetues t\u00eb barazis\u00eb s\u00eb vot\u00ebs, t\u00eb sanksionuar n\u00eb Nenin 45, pika 4 ku shkruhet \u201cVota \u00ebsht\u00eb vetjake, e barabart\u00eb, e lir\u00eb dhe e fsheht\u00eb\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n

2 – Pabarazia n\u00eb gar\u00ebn zgjedhore<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n

Skema e shp\u00ebrndarjes s\u00eb numrit t\u00eb mandateve p\u00ebr \u00e7do zon\u00eb zgjedhore ka krijuar edhe probleme t\u00eb tjera q\u00eb lidhen me p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimin e drejt\u00eb n\u00eb Kuvend t\u00eb vullnetit t\u00eb zgjedh\u00ebsve. Kjo ndarje ka rritur artificialisht pragun elektoral n\u00eb disa zona zgjedhore.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0P\u00ebr ta ilustruar: megjith\u00ebse sipas Kodit zgjedhor pragu elektoral \u00ebsht\u00eb 3 p\u00ebr qind, n\u00eb zon\u00ebn e Kuk\u00ebsit ky prag \u00ebsht\u00eb 34 p\u00ebr qind t\u00eb votave, n\u00eb Gjirokast\u00ebr 21 p\u00ebr qind, n\u00eb Dib\u00ebr 17 p\u00ebr qind, n\u00eb Lezh\u00eb dhe n\u00eb Berat \u00ebsht\u00eb 14 p\u00ebrqind. Ky prag kaq i lart\u00eb krijon nj\u00eb barrier\u00eb thuajse t\u00eb pakap\u00ebrcyeshme p\u00ebr p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimin e grupeve t\u00eb caktuara sociale, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht minoriteteve dhe grupeve t\u00eb margjinalizuara, t\u00eb cilat nuk arrijn\u00eb dot t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsohen n\u00eb Kuvend. Ky prag dekurajon kandidat\u00ebt e pavarur dhe partit\u00eb e reja q\u00eb t\u00eb angazhohen n\u00eb k\u00ebto zona zgjedhore, duke b\u00ebr\u00eb k\u00ebshtu q\u00eb banor\u00ebt e Kuk\u00ebsit dhe Gjirokastr\u00ebs t\u00eb prezantohen me nj\u00eb ofert\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb vog\u00ebl politike se qytetar\u00ebt e Tiran\u00ebs, ku pragu elektoral \u00ebsht\u00eb tre p\u00ebr qind. Nj\u00eb mas\u00eb tjet\u00ebr q\u00eb krijon kushte t\u00eb pabarabarta n\u00eb garim \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe skema e financimit t\u00eb subjekteve zgjedhore. Kreu II i Kodit Zgjedhor p\u00ebrcakton rregullat e shp\u00ebrndarjes s\u00eb fondit nga Buxheti i Shtetit p\u00ebr zgjedhje, t\u00eb cilat bazohen n\u00eb rezultatin e subjektit zgjedhor n\u00eb zgjedhjet e kaluara. Duke patur parasysh r\u00ebnd\u00ebsin\u00eb q\u00eb kan\u00eb burimet financiare n\u00eb informimin e zgjedh\u00ebsve gjat\u00eb fushat\u00ebs elektorale, b\u00ebhet e qart\u00eb se kjo skem\u00eb vendos n\u00eb nj\u00eb pozicion t\u00eb disavantazhuar subjektet e reja zgjedhore dhe kandidat\u00ebt e pavarur.<\/span><\/p>\n

3 – Deformimi i vullnetit t\u00eb zgjedh\u00ebsve<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n

Dy subjektet zgjedhore q\u00eb kan\u00eb hartuar Kodin Zgjedhor duket se jan\u00eb favorizuar padrejt\u00ebsisht n\u00eb gar\u00ebn elektorale, duke deformuar vullnetin e zgjedh\u00ebsve.<\/span><\/p>\n

Mendohet se ndarja territoriale dhe formula e p\u00ebrllogaritjes s\u00eb mandateve (D\u2019Hondt) \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb avantazh t\u00eb dy partive t\u00eb m\u00ebdha, duke iu dh\u00ebn\u00eb atyre nj\u00eb pesh\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimi se\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb forca e tyre reale n\u00eb elektorat.<\/span><\/p>\n

P\u00ebr ta ilustruar: Partia Socialiste n\u00eb zgjedhjet e 2017 ka marr\u00eb 74 mandate. N\u00ebse do t\u00eb eleminonim ndarjet rajonale dhe subjektet do t\u00eb garonin n\u00eb nj\u00eb zon\u00eb komb\u00ebtare zgjedhore, e nj\u00ebjta parti, me t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin num\u00ebr votash, me t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn formul\u00eb zgjedhore (D\u2019Hondt), dhe me t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin prag zgjedhor (tre p\u00ebr qind), do t\u00eb kishte marr\u00eb 71 mandate, pra tre mandate m\u00eb pak se\u00e7 ka marr\u00eb realisht. Gjithashtu, n\u00ebse do t\u00eb eleminohej pragu elektoral, kjo parti do t\u00eb merrte edhe nj\u00eb mandat m\u00eb pak, pra 70 mandate. Dhe n\u00ebse do t\u00eb kishim aplikuar nj\u00eb formul\u00eb tjet\u00ebr p\u00ebrllogarit\u00ebse p\u00ebr shp\u00ebrndarjen e mandateve, formul\u00ebn Sainte-Lague, Partia Socialiste do t\u00eb kisht\u00eb marr\u00eb vet\u00ebm 69 mandate. Me fjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjera, p\u00ebrzgjedhja e sistemit zgjedhor i ka dh\u00ebn\u00eb Partis\u00eb Socialiste, partis\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe n\u00eb vend, nj\u00eb avantazh me pes\u00eb mandate mbi forc\u00ebn e saj reale n\u00eb elektorat. P\u00ebr pasoj\u00eb, ky Kod Zgjedhor i ka dh\u00ebn\u00eb k\u00ebsaj partie nj\u00eb mazhoranc\u00eb prej 74 mandatesh (52 p\u00ebr qind t\u00eb mandateve n\u00eb Kuvend), megjith\u00ebse pesha e saj n\u00eb elektorat \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm 48 p\u00ebr qind t\u00eb votave t\u00eb hedhura. E nj\u00ebjta analiz\u00eb vlen edhe p\u00ebr Partin\u00eb Demokratike, partia m\u00eb e madhe opozitare, e cila ka p\u00ebrfituar nj\u00eb avantazh prej dy mandatesh m\u00eb shum\u00eb se sa pesha e saj reale n\u00eb elektorat.<\/span><\/p>\n

4 – \u00a0Influenca politike e individ\u00ebve t\u00eb lidhur me bot\u00ebn e krimit<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n

Sipas studimeve mbi tipologjin\u00eb e grupeve kriminale n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri , \u00ebsht\u00eb v\u00ebrejtur nj\u00eb karakteristik\u00eb q\u00eb veprimtaria e tyre \u00ebsht\u00eb lokale, dhe e kufizuar brenda nj\u00eb territori t\u00eb caktuar, ku ata ushtrojn\u00eb kontroll t\u00eb plot\u00eb. Gjithashtu, \u00ebsht\u00eb v\u00ebrejtur edhe nj\u00eb tendenc\u00eb e grupeve kriminale p\u00ebr t\u00eb influencuar zgjedhjet, duke u angazhuar n\u00eb orientimin e preferencave t\u00eb zgjedh\u00ebsve p\u00ebrmes intimidimit apo blerjes s\u00eb votave. Madh\u00ebsia e zon\u00ebs elektorale \u00ebsht\u00eb e till\u00eb q\u00eb rrit pesh\u00ebn e votave t\u00eb siguruara nga influenca e k\u00ebtyre grupeve, n\u00eb raport me numrin total t\u00eb zgjedh\u00ebsve aktiv n\u00eb zon\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

5 – Cil\u00ebsia e p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimit n\u00eb Kuvend dhe k\u00ebshilla bashkiak<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n

P\u00ebrq\u00ebndrimi i pushtetit n\u00eb duart e kryetar\u00ebve t\u00eb partive p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrzgjedhur listat garuese n\u00eb zgjedhje, por edhe renditjen e kandidat\u00ebve brenda tyre, nuk i l\u00eb vend p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimit t\u00eb mir\u00eb pasi n\u00eb legjislatur\u00ebn e shkuar (2013 \u2013 2017) dyshohej se ishin mbi dhjet\u00eb deputet\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebt kishin rekorde kriminale n\u00eb t\u00eb shkuar\u00ebn, apo kishin lidhje me veprimtarin\u00eb kriminale.<\/span><\/p>\n

Po ashtu sipas monitorimit t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb nga aktor\u00eb t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile, raportohet se t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn 19 deputet\u00eb t\u00eb legjislatur\u00ebs s\u00eb shkuar, nuk kan\u00eb folur asnj\u00ebher\u00eb n\u00eb seanca plenare.<\/span><\/p>\n

T\u00eb dh\u00ebna t\u00eb tilla v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb dyshim serioz rolin q\u00eb luajn\u00eb k\u00ebta p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt gjat\u00eb gjith\u00eb mandatit t\u00eb tyre nuk e shohin asnj\u00ebher\u00eb t\u00eb nevojshme t\u00eb flasin n\u00eb Kuvend p\u00ebr problemet dhe shqet\u00ebsimet e votuesve t\u00eb tyre.<\/span><\/p>\n

6- \u00a0Kufizimi i t\u00eb drejt\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb zgjedhur dhe dob\u00ebsimi i qytetarit<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n

Garimi i partive me lista t\u00eb mbyllura p\u00ebr zgjedhjet p\u00ebr Kuvendin dhe p\u00ebr organet kolegjiale t\u00eb qeverisjes vendore, b\u00ebn q\u00eb n\u00eb flet\u00ebn e votimit zgjedh\u00ebsi t\u00eb ket\u00eb mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb zgjedh\u00eb vet\u00ebm partin\u00eb, pa patur mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb shpreh\u00eb preferencat p\u00ebr kandidatin q\u00eb do ta p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsoj\u00eb. P\u00ebr pasoj\u00eb, ushtrimi i t\u00eb drejt\u00ebs kushtetuese p\u00ebr t\u00eb zgjedhur \u00ebsht\u00eb kufizuar n\u00eb nj\u00eb proces indirekt, duke e kusht\u00ebzuar zgjedh\u00ebsin q\u00eb me vot\u00ebn e tij t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtes\u00eb nj\u00ebherazi si kadidatin e preferuar ashtu edhe kandidat\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00eb, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt zgjedh\u00ebsi nuk do t\u00eb preferonte t\u2019i mb\u00ebshteste. Kjo pamund\u00ebsi e zgjedh\u00ebsit p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktuar se kush ka m\u00eb tep\u00ebr p\u00ebrpar\u00ebsi p\u00ebr t\u00eb hyr\u00eb n\u00eb Kuvend, ka dob\u00ebsuar lidhjen direkte mes zgjedh\u00ebsit dhe t\u00eb p\u00ebrzgjedhurit t\u00eb tij, duke dob\u00ebsuar pesh\u00ebn politike t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve.<\/span><\/p>\n

7 – \u00a0Dekurajimi i qytetarit p\u00ebr t\u00eb marr\u00eb pjes\u00eb aktivisht n\u00eb jet\u00ebn politike t\u00eb vendit<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n

Lidhja e qytetarit me p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesit e tij n\u00eb K\u00ebshillin Bashkiak apo n\u00eb Kuvend \u00ebsht\u00eb zbehur deri n\u00eb pik\u00ebn q\u00eb nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb shum\u00eb e madhe e qytetar\u00ebve nuk ndihen m\u00eb pjes\u00eb e vendimmarrjes n\u00eb qytetin dhe n\u00eb vendin e tyre. Listat e mbyllura i l\u00ebn\u00eb zgjedh\u00ebsit dy mund\u00ebsi: ta pranoj\u00eb ose ta refuzoj\u00eb en bloc list\u00ebn e paraqitur nga partia garuese n\u00eb zgjedhje, \u00e7ka do t\u00eb thot\u00eb t\u00eb mos votoj\u00eb. P\u00ebr pasoj\u00eb, ky limitim i mund\u00ebsive p\u00ebr t\u00eb zgjedhur, si dhe zbehja e lidhjes s\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve me p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesit e tyre, mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb ndikuar n\u00eb uljen e numrit t\u00eb pjes\u00ebmarrjes n\u00eb zgjedhje.<\/span><\/p>\n

8 – Prishja e raporteve t\u00eb forc\u00ebs brenda partis\u00eb politike dhe destabiliteti politik<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n

Duke q\u00ebn\u00eb se votuesi nuk ka mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb p\u00ebrzgjedh\u00eb brenda list\u00ebs garuese t\u00eb partis\u00eb, kryetari \u00ebsht\u00eb vendimtar n\u00eb caktimin e deputet\u00ebve. Q\u00eb n\u00eb zgjedhjet e para me k\u00ebt\u00eb sistem zgjedhor \u00ebsht\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb re se kandidat\u00ebt e renditur t\u00eb par\u00ebt n\u00eb listat garuese t\u00eb partive t\u00eb m\u00ebdha kan\u00eb rezultuar n\u00eb 100 p\u00ebr qind t\u00eb rasteve fitues n\u00eb zgjedhjet p\u00ebr Kuvend. Kjo forc\u00eb e kryetar\u00ebve t\u00eb partive p\u00ebr t\u00eb \u201cem\u00ebruar\u201d deputet\u00ebt i ka b\u00ebr\u00eb ata tep\u00ebr t\u00eb fuqish\u00ebm brenda partis\u00eb, pasi p\u00ebrmes renditjes n\u00eb listat garuese, ata kan\u00eb n\u00eb dor\u00eb karrier\u00ebn politike t\u00eb deputet\u00ebve. Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb rast\u00ebsi q\u00eb n\u00eb dy legjislaturat e fundit ata pak deputet\u00eb q\u00eb jan\u00eb shprehur publikisht kund\u00ebr kryetarit t\u00eb partis\u00eb s\u00eb tyre, nuk jan\u00eb futur m\u00eb n\u00eb listat garuese t\u00eb zgjedhjeve pasuese. Kur partia \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb opozit\u00eb, ky p\u00ebrq\u00ebndrim pushteti n\u00eb duart e kryetarit mund t\u00eb nxis\u00eb destabilitetin politik.<\/span><\/p>\n

9 – \u00a0Pesha e ul\u00ebt e grave n\u00eb Kuvend dhe K\u00ebshilla Bashkiak<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n

Megjith\u00ebse jan\u00eb nd\u00ebrmarr\u00eb disa hapa pozitiv p\u00ebr t\u00eb garantuar p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimin e grave n\u00eb Kuvend dhe n\u00eb organet kolegjiale t\u00eb qeverisjes vendore, s\u00ebrish numri i tyre mbetet i ul\u00ebt. N\u00eb Kuvend, aktualisht jan\u00eb m\u00eb pak se 30 p\u00ebr qind gra, nd\u00ebrsa n\u00ebp\u00ebr K\u00ebshilla Bashkiak kjo p\u00ebrqindje varion.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ekspert\u00ebt analizojn\u00eb se \u00ebsht\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht fakti q\u00eb karriera e grave politikane varet nga kryteari i partis\u00eb, \u00e7ka kufizon hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn e tyre p\u00ebr t\u2019u p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuar dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndjekur nj\u00eb axhend\u00eb emancipuese t\u00eb gruas shqiptare. Gjithashtu, po t\u00eb studiohen listat garuese t\u00eb partive politike, v\u00ebrehet se grat\u00eb tentojn\u00eb t\u00eb renditen n\u00eb pjes\u00ebn e \u201cpasigurt\u00eb\u201d t\u00eb list\u00ebs, \u00e7ka e ul probabilitetin q\u00eb ato t\u00eb zgjidhen n\u00eb Kuvend.<\/span><\/p>\n

10 – \u00a0Influenca e interesave t\u00eb caktuara ekonomike dhe dob\u00ebsimi i forc\u00ebs s\u00eb shtetit<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n

Skema e kontrollit dhe detyrimet e subjekteve zgjedhore p\u00ebr transparenc\u00eb, jan\u00eb t\u00eb tilla q\u00eb nuk e frenojn\u00eb dot financimin e zgjedhjeve nga burime t\u00eb paligjshme, t\u00eb cilat n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen kontribojn\u00eb n\u00eb influencimin e pandersh\u00ebm t\u00eb vendimmarrjes politike, dhe n\u00eb hartimin e legjislacionit q\u00eb shkon n\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtim me interesin e p\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm shoq\u00ebror. K\u00ebtu mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshihen ligjet dhe marr\u00ebveshjet e ratifikuara nga Kuvendi, t\u00eb cilat favorizojn\u00eb aktor\u00eb t\u00eb caktuar, d\u00ebmtojn\u00eb konkurenc\u00ebn e ndershme n\u00eb treg dhe stabilitetin ekonomik t\u00eb vendit. N\u00eb raste t\u00eb tjera, kur burimi i parave \u00ebsht\u00eb aktiviteti kriminal, kjo influenc\u00eb e paligjshme mund t\u00eb pengoj\u00eb forc\u00ebn shtr\u00ebnguese t\u00eb shtetit dhe fuqin\u00eb e tij n\u00eb luft\u00ebn kund\u00ebr krimit t\u00eb organizuar. Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, vet\u00eb perceptimi publik se Kuvendi vepron n\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtim me interesin e p\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm publik v\u00eb n\u00eb rrezik demokracin\u00eb n\u00eb vend. Nj\u00eb perceptim i till\u00eb publik d\u00ebmton n\u00eb nivel gradual edhe besimin e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb tek institucionet n\u00eb ve\u00e7anti dhe tek demokracia n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi. Humbja e legjitimitetit t\u00eb Kuvendit, i b\u00ebn qytetar\u00ebt m\u00eb pak t\u00eb motivuar p\u00ebr t\u00eb reaguar kur nj\u00eb lider autokrat injoron ligjet e vendit, apo sulmon institucionet q\u00eb burojn\u00eb prej tij, duke krijuar kushtet p\u00ebr instalimin e nj\u00eb autokracie.\/Hashtag.al<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false,"gt_translate_keys":[{"key":"rendered","format":"html"}]},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Kryefjala e dit\u00ebve t\u00eb fundit \u00ebsht\u00eb sistemi zgjedhor q\u00eb Nisma Thurje, e partit\u00eb e vogla n\u00eb vend e shohin si problematik. Por partit\u00eb kryesore si\u00e7 duket nuk e ndjejn\u00eb t\u00eb nevojsh\u00ebm ndryshimin e sistemit dhe jan\u00eb t\u00eb fokusuar vet\u00ebm n\u00eb p\u00ebrmbylljen e Reform\u00ebs Zgjedhore, pa b\u00ebr\u00eb ndryshime t\u00eb sistemit. Nisma Thurje q\u00eb n\u00eb muajin janar, […]<\/p>\n","protected":false,"gt_translate_keys":[{"key":"rendered","format":"html"}]},"author":30,"featured_media":349535,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[22,65,13],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-376504","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-ballina","category-lajme","category-te-fundit"],"gt_translate_keys":[{"key":"link","format":"url"}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/376504","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/30"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=376504"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/376504\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/349535"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=376504"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=376504"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=376504"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}