![\"\"](\"https:\/\/hashtag.al\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/08\/Paradoksi-i-kenaqesise-1-890.jpg\")
<\/p>\n<\/p>\n
Rritja e populizmit vjen n\u00eb nj\u00eb koh\u00eb kur njer\u00ebzit thon\u00eb se po ndihen mir\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n \u201cSi ndiheni, a jeni i lumtur?!\u201d, ishte nj\u00eb prej pyetjeve q\u00eb iu b\u00eb nj\u00eb votuesi n\u00eb mosh\u00eb t\u00eb mesme, p\u00ebrpara nj\u00eb qendre votimi, n\u00eb lidhje me ndjesin\u00eb q\u00eb i lan\u00eb zgjedhjet e fundit europiane. Ai shfryu dhe u p\u00ebrgjigj se i lumtur do t\u00eb ishte vet\u00ebm n\u00ebse do t\u2019i krijohej mund\u00ebsia q\u00eb t\u2019i largonte, duke i shkelmuar t\u00eb gjith\u00eb politikan\u00ebt e posht\u00ebr nga qeveria, shkruan The Economist.<\/span><\/p>\n N\u00eb vitin 1972, mbreti i Butanit vendosi se vendi i tij duhet t\u00eb kishte nj\u00eb nivel shum\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb t\u00eb lumturis\u00eb komb\u00ebtare, madje ky do t\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb nga objektivat kryesore q\u00eb duhej t\u00eb realizohej me patjet\u00ebr. N\u00eb at\u00eb koh\u00eb, kjo gj\u00eb u duk shum\u00eb e \u00e7uditshme. Por gjat\u00eb dekad\u00ebs s\u00eb fundit, politikan\u00ebt kan\u00eb filluar t\u2019i kushtojn\u00eb v\u00ebmendje m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe ides\u00eb se ata duhet t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb p\u00ebr mir\u00ebqenien e qytetar\u00ebve. Sipas Thomas Jefferson \u201clumturia e \u00e7do individi (tani) \u00ebsht\u00eb pranuar t\u00eb jet\u00eb \u2026 e vetmja gj\u00eb e ligjshme e qeveris\u00eb\u201d. N\u00eb dit\u00ebt e sotme, kjo pik\u00ebpamje \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb se e zakonshme.<\/span><\/p>\n N\u00eb vitin 2008, qeveria franceze ngriti komisionin Stiglitz-Sen-Fitoussi p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar llogari t\u00eb reja komb\u00ebtare, t\u00eb cilat shkonin p\u00ebrtej PBB-s\u00eb dhe reflektonin gj\u00ebra si cil\u00ebsia e jet\u00ebs dhe e mjedisit. Dy vjet m\u00eb von\u00eb, Kryeministri britanik, David Cameron, krijoi nj\u00eb \u201cindeks t\u00eb mir\u00ebqenies\u201d p\u00ebr t\u00eb matur lumturin\u00eb dhe progresin social t\u00eb Britanis\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n Nd\u00ebrsa gjat\u00eb k\u00ebtij viti, Zelanda e Re krijoi \u201cbuxhetin e par\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00ebqenies\u201d n\u00eb bot\u00eb, n\u00eb t\u00eb cilin sh\u00ebndeti mendor dhe niveli i lumturis\u00eb s\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve ishin m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm se pasuria apo rritja ekonomike dhe do t\u00eb ndikonin padyshim n\u00eb disa zgjedhje t\u00eb shpenzimeve publike. N\u00eb praktik\u00eb, kjo do t\u00eb thot\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb para p\u00ebr t\u00eb luftuar varf\u00ebrin\u00eb e f\u00ebmij\u00ebve, abuzimin n\u00eb familje dhe problemet e sh\u00ebndetit mendor.<\/span><\/p>\n Lumturia e qytetar\u00ebve \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe nj\u00eb prej elementeve m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme dhe me ndikim m\u00eb t\u00eb madh n\u00eb zgjedhjen e politikan\u00ebve. N\u00eb vitin 2017, sipas nj\u00eb studimi t\u00eb Federica Liberini nga Universiteti ETH n\u00eb Zyrih, votuesit n\u00eb Britani t\u00eb cil\u00ebt than\u00eb se ishin t\u00eb k\u00ebnaqur me jet\u00ebn e tyre, kishin 1.6% m\u00eb shum\u00eb gjasa q\u00eb do t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtesnin partin\u00eb n\u00eb pushtet.<\/span><\/p>\n Edhe pse kjo p\u00ebrqindje nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e lart\u00eb, znj. Liberini, zbuloi se rritja prej 10% n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhurat e familjes u shoq\u00ebrua me nj\u00eb rritje prej vet\u00ebm 0.18% mb\u00ebshtetje ndaj atyre q\u00eb ishin n\u00eb pushtet. Me fjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjera, mir\u00ebqenia (ose lumturia) \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme p\u00ebr rezultatin e zgjedhjeve, madje m\u00eb shum\u00eb edhe se parat\u00eb.<\/span> Ai zbuloi se \u00e7far\u00eb kishte ndikuar m\u00eb shum\u00eb n\u00eb pjes\u00ebmarrjen e votuesve n\u00eb zgjedhje gjat\u00eb periudh\u00ebs 1973-2014, n\u00eb 15 shtete europiane. Niveli i lart\u00eb i lumturis\u00eb q\u00eb njer\u00ebzit kishin ishte m\u00eb i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm sesa niveli i papun\u00ebsis\u00eb dhe se rritja e PBB-s\u00eb. Z. Ward zbuloi se n\u00eb zgjedhjet e zhvilluara n\u00eb k\u00ebto 15 shtete europiane, pothuajse gjysma e atyre q\u00eb ishin shum\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebnaqur me jet\u00ebn e tyre, u shpreh\u00ebn se do t\u00eb votonin p\u00ebr ata q\u00eb ishin n\u00eb pushtet. Edhe k\u00ebrkimet dhe studimet e ndryshme t\u00eb zhvilluara n\u00eb Amerik\u00eb tregojn\u00eb se lumturia ka nj\u00eb ndikim t\u00eb madh te politikan\u00ebt q\u00eb ata zgjedhin p\u00ebr t\u00eb votuar.<\/span><\/p>\n \u201cDuartrokisni, n\u00ebse e ndieni ta b\u00ebni\u201d<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n E gjith\u00eb sa shpjeguam m\u00eb sip\u00ebr tregon se lumturia \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktuesi kryesor n\u00eb rizgjedhjen e nj\u00eb partie, madje edhe m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme se niveli i pun\u00ebsimit apo pagat. N\u00ebse votuesit tuaj do t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb lumtur, ju do t\u00eb zgjidheni prej tyre dhe do t\u00eb ktheheni s\u00ebrish n\u00eb pushtet. Por, n\u00ebse d\u00ebshtoni n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim, jini t\u00eb sigurt se ju nuk do t\u00eb zgjidhni p\u00ebr t\u2019i qeverisur ata s\u00ebrish.<\/span><\/p>\n Pik\u00ebrisht k\u00ebtu lind nj\u00eb pyetje e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme, si mund t\u00eb shpjegohet e gjith\u00eb situata q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb duke u zhvilluar n\u00eb Europ\u00eb? N\u00eb pothuajse \u00e7do shtet europian, partit\u00eb e zem\u00ebruara me status quo aktuale, kan\u00eb marr\u00eb nj\u00eb num\u00ebr m\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb votash n\u00eb dekad\u00ebn e fundit. E drejta populiste ka ardhur n\u00eb pushtet (zakonisht n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet koalicioneve) n\u00eb shtete si Italia, Polonia, Hungaria, Austria, Sllovenia, Finlanda dhe Estonia.<\/span><\/p>\n Britania votoi p\u00ebr t\u2019u larguar nga Bashkimi Europian dhe, n\u00eb zgjedhjet e fundit t\u00eb Parlamentit Europian, partia populiste mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebse e Brexit, \u201ce dal\u00eb nga hi\u00e7i\u201d u renditet n\u00eb krye t\u00eb sondazheve. N\u00eb Franc\u00eb, Partia Fronti Komb\u00ebtar e Marine Le Pen mori shumic\u00ebn e votave nd\u00ebrsa n\u00eb Itali, Liga e Veriut pothuajse mori dyfishin e votave n\u00eb krahasim me ato q\u00eb mori n\u00eb zgjedhjet e p\u00ebrgjithshme t\u00eb 2018.<\/span><\/p>\n Nuk mund t\u00eb l\u00ebm\u00eb pa p\u00ebrmendur edhe rezultatet pozitive t\u00eb disa partive t\u00eb qendr\u00ebs. Nj\u00eb prej fitoreve m\u00eb t\u00eb fundit, ishte ajo e nj\u00eb partie t\u00eb qendr\u00ebs s\u00eb djatht\u00eb, q\u00eb fitoi zgjedhjet n\u00eb Greqi, nd\u00ebrsa nj\u00eb parti e qendr\u00ebs s\u00eb majt\u00eb kryesoi sondazhet n\u00eb Spanj\u00eb n\u00eb prill t\u00eb k\u00ebtij viti. N\u00eb zgjedhjet e fundit europiane, partit\u00eb t\u00eb cilat kan\u00eb drejtuar prej vitesh politik\u00ebn europiane kan\u00eb qen\u00eb humb\u00ebset m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha.<\/span><\/p>\n Ndoshta kjo shpjegohet me faktin se votuesit duken t\u00eb lodhur nga qeverisja aktuale dhe kan\u00eb nevoj\u00eb t\u00eb shohin ndryshime. Por n\u00ebse do t\u2019u referoheshim t\u00eb dh\u00ebnave t\u00eb nivelit t\u00eb lumturis\u00eb, do t\u00eb v\u00ebrenim absolutisht nj\u00eb mesazh t\u00eb kund\u00ebrt. Votuesit jan\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebnaqur. Sipas Eurobarometrit, organizata q\u00eb merret me sondazhe n\u00eb Bashkimin Europian, ka zbuluar se p\u00ebrqindja e gjerman\u00ebve q\u00eb e konsiderojn\u00eb veten shum\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebnaqur ose t\u00eb k\u00ebnaqur me jet\u00ebn e tyre \u00ebsht\u00eb rritur nga 73% n\u00eb 2003 n\u00eb 93% n\u00eb vitin 2017.<\/span><\/p>\n N\u00eb Britani, kjo p\u00ebrqindje \u00ebsht\u00eb rritur nga 88% n\u00eb 93%, dhe p\u00ebrqindja e atyre q\u00eb e deklaronin veten si shum\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebnaqur me jet\u00ebn e tyre ka sh\u00ebnuar rritje prej 31% n\u00eb 45%, n\u00eb periudh\u00ebn 2003-2017. Nd\u00ebrsa po t\u2019i referohemi Bashkimit Europian si nj\u00eb i vet\u00ebm, p\u00ebrqindja e atyre q\u00eb thon\u00eb se e konsiderojn\u00eb veten t\u00eb k\u00ebnaqur apo shum\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebnaqur me jet\u00ebn e tyre \u00ebsht\u00eb rritur nga 77% n\u00eb 1997 n\u00eb 82% dy dekada m\u00eb pas.<\/span><\/p>\n Lumturia \u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrteta<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n K\u00ebto nivele t\u00eb larta t\u00eb lumturis\u00eb mb\u00ebshteten edhe nga tregues t\u00eb tjer\u00eb, gj\u00eb q\u00eb tregon se ato jan\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrteta. Shumica e europian\u00ebve, sipas Eurobarometrit, mendojn\u00eb se financat e familjeve t\u00eb tyre jan\u00eb \u201cmjaft t\u00eb mira\u201d. Pjesa m\u00eb e madhe thon\u00eb se i besojn\u00eb ushtris\u00eb, policis\u00eb, gjykatave, madje edhe informacionit q\u00eb transmetohet n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet kanaleve televizive.<\/span><\/p>\n Megjithat\u00eb votat e tyre duket se nuk reflektojn\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn lumturi q\u00eb tregojn\u00eb sondazhet e ndryshme. Ata po sjellin n\u00eb pushtet parti populiste, qoft\u00eb t\u00eb reja apo edhe ato q\u00eb kan\u00eb pas ekzistuar dikur dhe nuk po rizgjedhin partit\u00eb qeveris\u00ebse. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, k\u00ebto parti shpesh po marrin nj\u00eb t\u00eb tret\u00ebn e votave, nj\u00eb p\u00ebrqindje m\u00eb e lart\u00eb sesa pjesa e popullsis\u00eb q\u00eb thot\u00eb se \u00ebsht\u00eb e palumtur dhe e pak\u00ebnaqur. Kjo shpjegohet me faktin se votuesit e lumtur po e japin vot\u00ebn pik\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr k\u00ebto parti populiste.<\/span><\/p>\n Por p\u00ebrse po prishet lidhja nd\u00ebrmjet votuesve t\u00eb lumtur dhe partive qeveris\u00ebse? Nj\u00eb prej p\u00ebrgjigjeve t\u00eb mundshme lidhet me faktin se mb\u00ebshtetja p\u00ebr populizmin dhe lumturin\u00eb po rritet sepse njer\u00ebzit po plaken. Njer\u00ebzit e vjet\u00ebr sigurisht q\u00eb mund t\u00eb votojn\u00eb p\u00ebr partit\u00eb reaksionare, por ata kan\u00eb tendenc\u00eb t\u00eb jen\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb lumtur. N\u00eb Britani, sipas YouGov, nj\u00eb organizat\u00eb q\u00eb merret me sondazhe t\u00eb ndryshme, 64% e votuesve mbi 65 vje\u00e7 votuan pro largimit nga BE-ja, krahasuar me vet\u00ebm 29% t\u00eb grupmosh\u00ebs 18-24 vje\u00e7.<\/span><\/p>\n Pavar\u00ebsisht se Brexit ka edhe mb\u00ebshtetjen e personave t\u00eb moshuar, n\u00eb Europ\u00eb, mb\u00ebshtetja p\u00ebr partit\u00eb populiste si Fronti Komb\u00ebtar, Liga e Veriut, Alternativa p\u00ebr Gjermanin\u00eb, etj., fillon t\u00eb bjer\u00eb me rritjen e mosh\u00ebs. K\u00ebto jan\u00eb partit\u00eb q\u00eb mb\u00ebshteten kryesisht nga punonj\u00ebsit e rinj ose ata n\u00eb mosh\u00eb t\u00eb mesme, nuk jan\u00eb partit\u00eb e pensionist\u00ebve t\u00eb g\u00ebzuar.<\/span><\/p>\n Nj\u00eb mund\u00ebsi e dyt\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb se lumturia po ndikon politik\u00ebn, por jo at\u00eb lloj q\u00eb zakonisht studiohet. Psikolog\u00ebt b\u00ebjn\u00eb dallimin mes dy llojeve \u201cvler\u00ebsuese\u201d dhe \u201chedonike\u201d. Masat vler\u00ebsuese i p\u00ebrgjigjen pyetjes: Se si e vler\u00ebsoni jet\u00ebn tuaj momentalisht? Nd\u00ebrsa hedonik\u00ebt i p\u00ebrgjigjen pyetjes: A ishit t\u00eb zem\u00ebruar, t\u00eb lumtur apo t\u00eb shqet\u00ebsuar dje? Politikan\u00ebt priren t\u00eb supozojn\u00eb se lumturia vler\u00ebsuese ka m\u00eb shum\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi n\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktimin e m\u00ebnyr\u00ebs se si njer\u00ebzit votojn\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n Por kjo mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb edhe e gabuar. Sipas Raportit t\u00eb Lumturis\u00eb n\u00eb Bot\u00eb, mesatarisht treguesit e nivelit t\u00eb shqet\u00ebsimit, trishtimit dhe zem\u00ebrimit gjat\u00eb nj\u00eb dite m\u00eb par\u00eb sh\u00ebnuan rritje n\u00eb Europ\u00ebn Per\u00ebndimore n\u00eb periudh\u00ebn 2010-\u201818, edhe pse niveli i k\u00ebnaq\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithshme t\u00eb jet\u00ebs ishte n\u00eb rritje. Ndoshta r\u00ebnia n\u00eb lumturin\u00eb hedonike q\u00ebndron prapa rritjes s\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetjes ndaj populist\u00ebve, duke tejkaluar rritjen e lumturis\u00eb vler\u00ebsuese.<\/span><\/p>\n K\u00ebto t\u00eb dh\u00ebna tregojn\u00eb se votuesit vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb mbeten skllev\u00ebr t\u00eb emocioneve dhe jo njer\u00ebz t\u00eb cil\u00ebt t\u00eb arrijn\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb gjykime racionale n\u00eb lidhje me zgjedhjen e partive politike q\u00eb do t\u00eb kishin m\u00eb shum\u00eb mund\u00ebsi p\u00ebr t\u00eb kontribuar n\u00eb rritjen e lumturis\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen e af\u00ebrt.<\/span><\/p>\n Studimi i dr. Liberinit nuk zbuloi vet\u00ebm q\u00eb njer\u00ebzit e lumtur mb\u00ebshtesin partit\u00eb n\u00eb pushtet, por edhe se njer\u00ebzit e palumtur faj\u00ebsonin qeverin\u00eb n\u00eb pushtet p\u00ebr gj\u00ebra t\u00eb cilat nuk kan\u00eb fare lidhje me t\u00eb. K\u00ebshtu, p\u00ebr shembull, te njer\u00ebzit q\u00eb u ka ndodhur nj\u00eb fatkeq\u00ebsi, si vdekja e bashk\u00ebshortit\/es, \u00ebsht\u00eb ulur me 10% mund\u00ebsia q\u00eb ata t\u2019ia japin vot\u00ebn partis\u00eb n\u00eb pushtet.<\/span><\/p>\n Nj\u00eb studim amerikan i vitit 2010 i titulluar \u201cNgjarjet jo t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme ndikojn\u00eb n\u00eb vler\u00ebsimin q\u00eb votuesit i b\u00ebjn\u00eb performanc\u00ebs s\u00eb qeveris\u00eb\u201d, arriti n\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrfundim t\u00eb ngjash\u00ebm me at\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebsip\u00ebrm. Loj\u00ebrat e futbollit dhe t\u00eb basketbollit kishin nj\u00eb ndikim t\u00eb madh n\u00eb garat p\u00ebr zgjidhjen e Senatit dhe guvernator\u00ebve, dhe zakonisht partit\u00eb qeveris\u00ebse merrnin vota m\u00eb shum\u00eb vet\u00ebm n\u00eb ato raste kur skuadrat vendase (qoft\u00eb futbolli apo basketbolli) fitonin ndaj atyre me t\u00eb cilat po ndesheshin.<\/span><\/p>\n S\u00eb fundmi ka mund\u00ebsi q\u00eb populist\u00ebt t\u00eb pozicionohen mir\u00eb edhe n\u00eb shtetet ku ka shum\u00eb njer\u00ebz t\u00eb lumtur, edhe pse k\u00ebta t\u00eb fundit ka m\u00eb pak gjasa q\u00eb t\u00eb votojn\u00eb p\u00ebr populist\u00ebt. Sipas Cas Mudde nga Universiteti i Gjeorgjis\u00eb, kjo mund t\u00eb shpjegohet me faktin se shtete t\u00eb tilla priren t\u00eb jen\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb pasura dhe k\u00ebshtu q\u00eb shqet\u00ebsimet ekonomike mund t\u00eb zhvendosen n\u00eb vend t\u00eb dyt\u00eb n\u00eb krahasim me \u00e7\u00ebshtjet sociale dhe kulturore, si emigracioni, diskriminimi racor dhe ai fetar.<\/span><\/p>\n Sepse jam i lumtur<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n Vet\u00ebm k\u00ebshtu mund t\u00eb shpjegohej se p\u00ebrse mb\u00ebshtetja p\u00ebr ekstremist\u00ebt \u00ebsht\u00eb rritur (n\u00eb vend q\u00eb t\u00eb binte) teksa ekonomit\u00eb e p\u00ebrfshira nga kriza e viteve 2008-\u201809 po rikuperoheshin. Shum\u00eb koh\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb, Seymour Martin Lipset, nj\u00eb shkenc\u00ebtar amerikan i \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve sociale, vuri n\u00eb dukje nivelin m\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb t\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit q\u00eb partia Ku Klux Klan e arriti n\u00eb vitet 1920, nd\u00ebrsa McCarthyism lul\u00ebzoi n\u00eb vitet e begata t\u00eb 1950-s.<\/span><\/p>\n Matthijs Rooduijn nga Universiteti i Utrehtit dhe Brian Burgoon nga Universiteti i Amsterdamit, studiuan mb\u00ebshtetjen p\u00ebr partit\u00eb radikale n\u00eb 21 vende europiane nga viti 2002 deri n\u00eb vitin 2014. Ata zbuluan se njer\u00ebzit q\u00eb mendonin se nuk po i kushtohej v\u00ebmendja e duhur nga qeveria, ishin m\u00eb pak t\u00eb gatsh\u00ebm t\u00eb votonin p\u00ebr t\u00eb djatht\u00ebn radikale kur ekonomia ishte e dob\u00ebt (megjith\u00ebse mb\u00ebshtetja p\u00ebr t\u00eb majt\u00ebn radikale ishte m\u00eb e fort\u00eb). Por, kur ekonomia e rimerrte veten, rritej mb\u00ebshtetja p\u00ebr t\u00eb djatht\u00ebn ekstreme. Ndoshta momenti m\u00eb i rreziksh\u00ebm p\u00ebr nj\u00eb regjim jopopullor \u00ebsht\u00eb ai kur gj\u00ebrat fillojn\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsohen. Nj\u00eb faktor i fundit q\u00eb duhet marr\u00eb n\u00eb konsiderat\u00eb nuk ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb m\u00eb me votuesit por me politikan\u00ebt.<\/span><\/p>\n Kjo lidhet me faktin se populist\u00ebt po i kushtojn\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe rrjeteve sociale sesa partive t\u00eb tyre. N\u00eb tre muajt e par\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebtij viti, Fronti Komb\u00ebtar i Franc\u00ebs dhe Alternativa p\u00ebr Gjermanin\u00eb ishin ato q\u00eb b\u00ebn\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb postime p\u00ebrpara zhvillimit t\u00eb zgjedhjeve europiane. N\u00eb Britani, postimet q\u00eb lidheshin me Brexit sh\u00ebnuan numrin m\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb. N\u00eb zgjedhjet e p\u00ebrgjithshme t\u00eb Italis\u00eb t\u00eb 2018, postimet e Lig\u00ebs s\u00eb Veriut dhe L\u00ebvizjes Pes\u00eb yjet pushtuan rrjetin social t\u00eb Facebook.<\/span><\/p>\n Ndoshta numri i votuesve t\u00eb pak\u00ebnaqur nuk po rritet. Ndoshta \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm se n\u00eb saj\u00eb t\u00eb internetit, q\u00eb populist\u00ebt po i pikasin ata m\u00eb leht\u00eb. Gjith\u00eb sa u tha m\u00eb sip\u00ebr mund t\u00eb shpjegohet n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet formul\u00ebs s\u00eb thjesht\u00eb se politikan\u00ebt i b\u00ebjn\u00eb votuesit m\u00eb t\u00eb lumtur dhe k\u00ebta t\u00eb fundit i kthejn\u00eb pastaj politikan\u00ebt n\u00eb pushtet, kaq e thjesht\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n
\nN\u00eb nj\u00eb studim t\u00eb fundit t\u00eb kryer, George Ward, nga Instituti i Teknologjis\u00eb n\u00eb Massachusetts, pohoi r\u00ebnd\u00ebsin\u00eb politike t\u00eb lumturis\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n![\"\"](\"https:\/\/hashtag.al\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/08\/Paradoksi-i-kenaqesise-2-890.jpg\")
<\/p>\n![\"\"](\"https:\/\/hashtag.al\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/08\/Paradoksi-i-kenaqesise-3-890.jpg\")
<\/p>\n