{"id":299635,"date":"2022-03-06T11:00:43","date_gmt":"2022-03-06T10:00:43","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/hashtag.al\/?p=299635"},"modified":"2022-03-06T12:09:31","modified_gmt":"2022-03-06T11:09:31","slug":"kardinali-gri-i-putinit-ju-shpjegoj-qellimet-dhe-doktrinen-e-rusise-putiniste","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/2022\/03\/06\/kardinali-gri-i-putinit-ju-shpjegoj-qellimet-dhe-doktrinen-e-rusise-putiniste\/","title":{"rendered":"Kardinali gri i Putinit: “Ju shpjegoj q\u00ebllimet dhe doktrin\u00ebn e Rusis\u00eb putiniste”","gt_translate_keys":[{"key":"rendered","format":"text"}]},"content":{"rendered":"

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Parantez\u00eb nga Hashtag.al: <\/strong><\/em>N\u00eb shkurt t\u00eb vitit 2019, teknologu politik Vladislav Surkov, i njohur ndryshe dhe si “kardinali gri” i Putinit, publikoi nj\u00eb shkrim q\u00eb b\u00ebri shum\u00eb buj\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

Shkrimi ka nj\u00eb vler\u00eb t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb kuptuarin objektiv t\u00eb mentalitetit t\u00eb kupol\u00ebs drejtuese ruse, larg interpretimeve amatore t\u00eb medias tradicionale prandaj “Hashtag.al” ka vendosur ta risjell\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

“Putin’s Long state” quhet shkrimi i tij n\u00eb versionin anglisht, nd\u00ebrsa n\u00eb forumet e kualifikuara dhe profesionale mbi gjeopolitik\u00ebn e diplomacin\u00eb, ky shkrim \u00ebsht\u00eb shqyrtuar me shum\u00eb p\u00ebrpar\u00ebsi dhe mbi t\u00eb kan\u00eb komentuar dhe autoritete t\u00eb bot\u00ebs per\u00ebndimore, me skepticiz\u00ebm ose n\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetje; ose n\u00eb nd\u00ebrthurje t\u00eb t\u00eb dyjave. <\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00eb kushtet kur masmedia per\u00ebndimore e gjeti veten n\u00eb nj\u00eb kurth, pas dy viteve sulmesh mbi presidentin Trump, raporti i prokurorit special Mueller, provoi se ofensiva dy vje\u00e7are e masmedias per\u00ebndimore me “ndikimin rus<\/em>” ishte absolutisht jo-profesionale, spekuluese dhe nga nj\u00eb ofensiv\u00eb e kurdisur u kthye n\u00eb nj\u00eb autogol t\u00eb pam\u00ebshirsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr besueshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e k\u00ebtyre mediave q\u00eb prej dekadash kan\u00eb poseduar thuajse monopolin e besueshm\u00ebris\u00eb. <\/span><\/p>\n

Shkrimi i Surkovit vjen n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst, duket sikur ai ka gjetur rastin t\u00eb thot\u00eb: “Nuk do ju l\u00eb t\u00eb mbyteni n\u00eb oqeanin e mashtrimeve t\u00eb medias per\u00ebndimore mbi Rusin\u00eb, do ua themi vet\u00eb se kush jemi,\u00a0 \u00e7far\u00eb duam dhe si do e arrijm\u00eb”.<\/em> <\/span><\/p>\n

Ky shkrim i Surkovit \u00ebsht\u00eb konsideruar nga disa studiues t\u00eb gjeopolitik\u00ebs dhe diplomacis\u00eb, si nj\u00eb koncentrat i tezave dhe doktrin\u00ebs mbi t\u00eb cilat \u00ebsht\u00eb e bazuar qeverisja e Putinit. <\/span><\/p>\n

Lexim t\u00eb k\u00ebndsh\u00ebm n\u00eb vijim:<\/em><\/span><\/p>\n

SHTETI AFATGJAT\u00cb I PUTINIT<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Nga Vladislav Surkov<\/strong><\/em><\/span><\/p>\n

“E vetmja gj\u00eb q\u00eb shfaqet aty n\u00eb horizont, \u00ebsht\u00eb mund\u00ebsia q\u00eb troket ve\u00e7 nj\u00eb her\u00eb”.<\/em> Kjo fraz\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb mbresl\u00ebn\u00ebse, sepse vjen nga rr\u00ebnj\u00ebt e thella t\u00eb dituris\u00eb dhe urtis\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

Kjo fraz\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb th\u00ebn\u00eb nj\u00eb dekad\u00eb e gjysm\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb, por sot \u00ebsht\u00eb harruar dhe nuk p\u00ebrmendet m\u00eb. Por si\u00e7 na m\u00ebsojn\u00eb principet e psikologjis\u00eb, gj\u00ebrat q\u00eb ne i harrojm\u00eb na ndikojn\u00eb m\u00eb tep\u00ebr se gj\u00ebrat q\u00eb i mbajm\u00eb mend.<\/span><\/p>\n

Kjo shprehje e sjell\u00eb sot ting\u00ebllon e shk\u00ebputur dhe larg kontekstit q\u00eb ekzistonte kur u artikulua p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb, asokohe kjo shprehje u b\u00eb aksioma e par\u00eb e politik\u00ebs s\u00eb re shtetnd\u00ebrtuese t\u00eb Rusis\u00eb, mbi k\u00ebt\u00eb aksiom\u00eb jan\u00eb bazuar t\u00eb gjitha teorit\u00eb dhe praktikat e politik\u00ebs ton\u00eb bashk\u00ebkohore.<\/span><\/p>\n

Iluzioni i zgjedhjes, ose iluzioni i opsioneve, \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishmi nd\u00ebr t\u00eb gjitha iluzionet, \u00ebsht\u00eb marifeti m\u00eb i arrir\u00eb n\u00eb stilin e jet\u00ebs per\u00ebndimore n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsi dhe i demokracis\u00eb per\u00ebndimore n\u00eb ve\u00e7anti. <\/span>
\nP\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb, ky marifet \u00ebsht\u00eb bazuar m\u00eb tep\u00ebr n\u00eb principet e P.T. Barnum<\/em><\/span><\/a><\/span>, se sa n\u00eb principet e Cleisthenesit<\/span><\/em><\/span><\/a>.<\/span><\/p>\n

Refuzimi i k\u00ebtij iluzioni nga ana jon\u00eb dhe orientimi drejt nocionit t\u00eb “realitetit t\u00eb paracaktuar”<\/em>, na dha mund\u00ebsin\u00eb q\u00eb m\u00eb s\u00eb pari ne t\u00eb reflektojm\u00eb mbi veten dhe mbi gj\u00ebrat q\u00eb na b\u00ebjn\u00eb t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb, t\u00eb mendojm\u00eb fillimisht p\u00ebr nj\u00eb version sovran t\u00eb zhvillimit t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa m\u00eb pas ne humb\u00ebm plot\u00ebsisht \u00e7do interes mbi diskutime t\u00eb tipit se si duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb demokracia apo t\u00eb filozofojm\u00eb n\u00ebse demokracia ekziston dot si e till\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ky q\u00ebndrim hapi shtegun p\u00ebr zhvillimin ton\u00eb t\u00eb lir\u00eb shtetformues, duke mos u ndikuar fare nga predikuesit e importuar nga jasht\u00eb, por duke u bazuar vet\u00ebm n\u00eb logjik\u00ebn e proceseve historike, nga i ashtuquajturi “arti i s\u00eb mundshmes”<\/em>.<\/span><\/p>\n

Nga ana tjet\u00ebr,\u00a0 arti i s\u00eb pa<\/em>mundur\u00ebs na \u00e7oi n\u00eb shp\u00ebrb\u00ebrje, n\u00eb nj\u00eb rrjedh\u00eb t\u00eb panatyrshme dhe kund\u00ebr-historike t\u00eb Rusis\u00eb, q\u00eb n\u00eb arrit\u00ebm ta ndalnim, ndon\u00ebse me vones\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ne u zhb\u00ebm\u00eb duke kaluar nga niveli i Bashkimit Sovjetik n\u00eb nivelin e Federat\u00ebs s\u00eb Rusis\u00eb. <\/span>
\nPor Rusia e ndali zhb\u00ebrjen, nisi p\u00ebrt\u00ebritjen dhe u rikthye n\u00eb gjendjen e saj natyrore, n\u00eb t\u00eb vetmen gjendje t\u00eb mundshme q\u00eb ky vend mund t\u00eb ekzistoj\u00eb: N\u00eb gjendjen lavdishme t\u00eb nj\u00eb komuniteti kombesh n\u00eb rritje q\u00eb rifitojn\u00eb trojet.<\/span><\/p>\n

Historia bot\u00ebrore s’na ka rezervuar nj\u00eb rol modest, historia s’na e ka lejuar q\u00eb t\u00eb dalim nga skena apo q\u00eb t\u00eb rrijm\u00eb heshtur diku n\u00eb nj\u00eb cep t\u00eb sken\u00ebs.<\/span><\/p>\n

Historia s’na jep luksin q\u00eb t\u00eb ndalemi dhe nj\u00ebher\u00ebsh paracakton karakterin e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb qeverisjes son\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

E k\u00ebshtu, shteti i Rusis\u00eb ndjek rrjedh\u00ebn, tashm\u00eb si nj\u00eb lloj i ri shteti q\u00eb nuk ka ekzistuar ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb si i till\u00eb, asnj\u00ebher\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ky lloj i ri shteti e mori shtys\u00ebn nga mesi i viteve 2000′, e q\u00eb nga kjo koh\u00eb\u00a0 \u00ebsht\u00eb studiuar shum\u00eb pak dinamika e tij, ama ve\u00e7antia dhe q\u00ebndrueshm\u00ebria e k\u00ebtij shteti jan\u00eb sot nj\u00eb realitet arbitrar.<\/span><\/p>\n

Testet e stresit dhe presionit q\u00eb ky \u00a0shtet ka kaluar dhe po kalon, kan\u00eb treguar se ve\u00e7antia organike n\u00eb modelin e funksionimit politik, siguron nj\u00eb mjet efektiv p\u00ebr mbijetes\u00ebn dhe ngritjen e kombit rus, jo vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr vitet e ardhshme, por p\u00ebr dekada dhe me shum\u00eb t\u00eb ngjar\u00eb, p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb shekullin e ardhsh\u00ebm.<\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb, historia e Rusis\u00eb ka njohur deri m\u00eb sot kat\u00ebr modele qeverisje, t\u00eb cilave mund t’u referohemi bazuar te kat\u00ebr krijuesit e tyre:<\/span><\/p>\n

-Qeverisja e Ivanit t\u00eb Tret\u00eb\u00a0 (Principata Madh\u00ebshtore\/ Mbret\u00ebria e Mosk\u00ebs dhe gjith\u00eb Rusis\u00eb, shekulli XV-XVII)<\/span><\/p>\n

-Qeverisja e Pjetrit t\u00eb Madh (Perandoria Ruse, shekulli , XVIII-XIX)<\/span><\/p>\n

-Qeverisja e Leninit (Bashkimi Sovjetik shekulli XX)<\/span><\/p>\n

-Qeverisja e Putinit (Federata e Rusis\u00eb, shekulli XXI). <\/span><\/p>\n

E krijuar nga njer\u00ebz q\u00eb (duke i’u referuar termit t\u00eb Lev Gulimev) posedonin vullnet politik afatgjat\u00eb, nj\u00ebra pas tjetr\u00ebs k\u00ebto makineri politike t\u00eb gjith\u00ebanshme riparuan veten, u p\u00ebrshtat\u00ebn me rrethanat n\u00eb rrug\u00eb e sip\u00ebr; dhe siguruan nj\u00eb p\u00ebrparim t\u00eb pam\u00ebshirsh\u00ebm t\u00eb Bot\u00ebs Ruse.<\/span><\/p>\n

Makineria politike e Putinit \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb faz\u00ebn e par\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrgatitjes, drejt nj\u00eb pune afatgjat\u00eb, t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb \u00a0dhe interesante.<\/span><\/p>\n

Funksionimi i saj me kapacitet t\u00eb plot\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb ende larg, nd\u00ebrsa shum\u00eb vite m\u00eb pas Rusia do vijoj\u00eb t\u00eb mbetet n\u00eb epok\u00ebn e “modelit Putin”<\/em>, nj\u00ebsoj sikur Franca sot e quan veten si Republika e Pest\u00eb e DeGolit, apo Turqia (edhe pse tani qeveriset nga anti-Kemalist\u00eb<\/em>) ende bazohet n\u00eb ideologjin\u00eb e “gjasht\u00eb shigjetave”<\/em> t\u00eb Ataturkut, apo Shtetet e Bashkuara q\u00eb ende sot apelojn\u00eb p\u00ebr imazhin dhe vlerat thuajse legjendare t\u00eb “baballar\u00ebve themelues”<\/em> .<\/span><\/p>\n

Ajo \u00e7’ka lypet, \u00ebsht\u00eb sqarimi dhe p\u00ebrshkrimi i sistemit qeveris\u00ebs s\u00eb Putinit dhe t\u00eb gjith\u00eb buqet\u00ebs s\u00eb ideve dhe p\u00ebrmasave t\u00eb Putinizmit si ideologji e s\u00eb ardhmes – sidomos s\u00eb ardhmes- sepse n\u00eb dit\u00ebt e sotme zor se vet Putinin mund ta konsiderosh putinist, si shembull; edhe Karl Marksi nuk ishte marksist dhe ne s’mund t\u00eb jemi t\u00eb sigurt n\u00ebse ai do binte dakord n\u00ebse do e gjente veten n\u00eb pozicionin q\u00eb i dha m\u00eb pas e ardhmja.<\/span><\/p>\n

Por ne kemi nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb shpjegim p\u00ebr hir t\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb atyre q\u00eb nuk jan\u00eb Putini, por d\u00ebshirojn\u00eb t\u00eb jen\u00eb si ai dhe t\u00eb ken\u00eb mund\u00ebsin\u00eb t\u00eb zbatojn\u00eb metodat dhe qasjet e tij n\u00eb koh\u00ebt e ardhshme.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ky p\u00ebrshkrim nuk duhet t\u00eb kuptohet si nj\u00eb duel apo rivalitet i propagandave, propaganda jon\u00eb kund\u00ebr propagand\u00ebs s\u00eb tyre, por duhet injektuar n\u00eb nj\u00eb lloj forme q\u00eb do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrceptohej si “heretiz\u00ebm i reformuar”,<\/em> si nga zyrtar\u00ebt rus\u00eb ashtu dhe nga zyrtar\u00ebt anti-rus\u00eb. <\/span>
\n
\nNj\u00eb gjuh\u00eb e till\u00eb mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhet e pranueshme p\u00ebr nj\u00eb audienc\u00eb mjaft t\u00eb madhe, \u00e7’ka \u00ebsht\u00eb \u00a0pik\u00ebrisht ajo q\u00eb nevojitet, sepse sistemi politik q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar n\u00eb Rusi \u00ebsht\u00eb i p\u00ebrshtatsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u00eb sh\u00ebrbyer jo vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr nevojat e ardhshme t\u00eb vendit, por natyrisht ka potencial t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm eksporti. <\/span><\/p>\n

K\u00ebrkesa p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb model dhe p\u00ebr disa p\u00ebrb\u00ebr\u00ebs t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb t\u00eb tij tashm\u00eb ekziston, kjo p\u00ebrvoj\u00eb po studiohet dhe miratohet pjes\u00ebrisht, n\u00eb disa raste po imitohet nga grupet qeveris\u00ebse ose opozitare n\u00eb disa vende t\u00eb tjera.<\/span><\/p>\n

Politikan\u00ebt e huaj e akuzojn\u00eb Rusin\u00eb p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrhyrje n\u00eb zgjedhje anemban\u00eb planetit. <\/span><\/p>\n

Por n\u00eb fakt, situata \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb serioze se kaq: Rusia po nd\u00ebrhyn te truri i tyre dhe ata nuk din\u00eb \u00e7’t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb me nd\u00ebrgjegjen e tyre t\u00eb transformuar tashm\u00eb. <\/em><\/span><\/p>\n

Pas viteve shkat\u00ebrrimtare t\u00eb 90’s, Rusia shp\u00ebrfilli ideologjit\u00eb e huazuara nga jasht\u00eb, filloi t\u00eb gjeneronte idet\u00eb e veta dhe filloi t\u00eb kund\u00ebrveproj\u00eb me Per\u00ebndimin. Q\u00eb at\u00ebher\u00eb, ekspert\u00ebt evropian\u00eb dhe amerikan\u00eb kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb gabime n\u00eb parashikimet e tyre gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shpesh. <\/span>
\nAta befasohen dhe shqet\u00ebsohen nga preferencat paranormale t\u00eb elektoratit. N\u00eb konfuzion, ata kan\u00eb hapur alarmin p\u00ebr nj\u00eb shp\u00ebrthim t\u00eb populizmit. <\/span>
\nAta jan\u00eb t\u00eb lir\u00eb ta quajn\u00eb dhe k\u00ebshtu problemin, p\u00ebr sa koh\u00eb e kan\u00eb t\u00eb pamundur ta p\u00ebrcaktojn\u00eb ndryshe.<\/span><\/p>\n

Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb, interesi i t\u00eb huajve n\u00eb algoritmin politik t\u00eb Rusis\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb i thjesht\u00eb p\u00ebr t’u kuptuar: Askush nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb profet n\u00eb fshatin e vet, ama \u00e7’do gj\u00eb q\u00eb atyre po u ndodh sot, \u00ebsht\u00eb profetizuar nga Rusia shum\u00eb koh\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

Kur t\u00eb gjith\u00eb ishin t\u00eb dashuruar me iden\u00eb e globalizimit dhe p\u00ebrhapnin nevoj\u00ebn p\u00ebr nj\u00eb bot\u00eb t\u00eb shesht\u00eb e pa kufij, Moska n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb k\u00ebmb\u00ebngul\u00ebse u kujtonte se sovraniteti dhe interesi shtet\u00ebror kan\u00eb nj\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi t\u00eb dor\u00ebs s\u00eb par\u00eb.<\/span>
\nAsokohe shum\u00eb njer\u00ebz na quajt\u00ebn “naiv\u00eb” \u00a0q\u00eb mbaheshim akoma me k\u00ebto mendime t\u00eb vjetra e t\u00eb dala mode.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ata na predikuan se \u00ebsht\u00eb e kot\u00eb t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetesh n\u00eb vlerat e shekullit XIX dhe u p\u00ebrpoq\u00ebn t\u00eb na m\u00ebsonin se duhet t\u00eb kalojm\u00eb me guxim n\u00eb shekullin XXI, ku supozohet se nuk do t\u00eb ket\u00eb asnj\u00eb komb sovran ose komb-shtet. <\/span>
\nSidoqoft\u00eb, shekulli XXI \u00ebsht\u00eb duke i dh\u00ebn\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb q\u00ebndrimit ton\u00eb dhe jo ideve “moderniste”.<\/span>
\nBrexiti britanik, triumfi i politik\u00ebs amerikane #GreatAgain, politika anti-imigrante e Evrop\u00ebs, k\u00ebto jan\u00eb vet\u00ebm shembujt e par\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb list\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb t\u00eb manifestimeve t\u00eb zakonshme t\u00eb de-globalizimit, ri-sovranitetit dhe nacionalizmit.<\/span><\/p>\n

Kur n\u00eb \u00e7do cep t\u00eb globit e quanin internetin si nj\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00eb t\u00eb liris\u00eb s\u00eb pakufishme ku \u00e7dokush \u00ebsht\u00eb i barabart\u00eb dhe t\u00eb gjith\u00ebve u lejohet e nj\u00ebjta hap\u00ebsir\u00eb, erdhi posa\u00e7\u00ebrisht nga Rusia nj\u00eb pyetje kthjelluese n\u00eb lidhje me realitetin e ri kibernetik: <\/span><\/p>\n

“Kush jemi ne n\u00eb bot\u00ebn e internetit: merimanga apo miza?<\/u>“<\/em><\/span>
\n\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Nd\u00ebrsa sot koha tregoi se dhe ato burokracit\u00eb m\u00eb liridash\u00ebse po rreken t\u00eb zgjidhin problemet e komplikuara t\u00eb bot\u00ebs kibernetike, duke akuzuar dhe Facebook-un se i ka dh\u00ebn\u00eb kompetenca arbitrare m\u00ebsymjeve t\u00eb huaja.<\/span>
\nAjo q\u00eb ishte dikur hap\u00ebsira e lir\u00eb virtuale dhe q\u00eb na shitej si nj\u00eb prototip i parajs\u00ebs mbi Tok\u00eb, sot \u00ebsht\u00eb e rrethuar me nj\u00eb kordon t\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebr\u00eb nga policia-kibernetike, kriminel\u00ebt-kibernetik\u00eb, ushtrit\u00eb-kibernetike, spiun\u00ebt-kibernetik\u00eb, terrorist\u00ebt-kibernetik\u00eb dhe sigurisht q\u00eb s’mund t\u00eb mungonin as moralist\u00ebt-kibernetik\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

Kur hegjemonia e “hegjemonit” nuk po kund\u00ebrshtohej m\u00eb nga askush, \u00ebndrra madh\u00ebshtore amerikane p\u00ebr dominimin bot\u00ebror ishte shum\u00eb pran\u00eb p\u00ebrmbushjes, nd\u00ebrsa shum\u00eb njer\u00ebz kishin halu\u00e7inacione se hallka e fundit e ciklit hegjemonik kishte mb\u00ebrritur, duke arsyetuar se “deri sa askush nuk pip\u00ebtin, nuk kund\u00ebrshton dhe t\u00eb gjith\u00eb heshtin”, k\u00ebshtu duhej t\u00eb ishte.<\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00eb kulmin e heshtjes totale, papritur mb\u00ebrriti fjalimi i famsh\u00ebm i Putinit n\u00eb Mynih, n\u00eb vitin 2007. (Shikoje k\u00ebtu fjalimin<\/a><\/em><\/strong><\/span>)<\/span><\/p>\n

Asokohe ky fjalim u etiketua si i papranuesh\u00ebm, por sot \u00a0duket gjith\u00eb\u00e7ka \u00ebsht\u00eb e vetkuptueshme: askush nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb i lumtur me Amerik\u00ebn, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb dhe vet amerikan\u00ebt.<\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00eb Turqi p\u00ebrdorej nj\u00eb nocion i quajtur “derin devlet”<\/em> q\u00eb ishte i panjohur deri kur mediat amerikane e popullarizuan k\u00ebt\u00eb nocion. <\/span><\/p>\n

I p\u00ebrkthyer n\u00eb anglisht “derin devlet”<\/em> \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo q\u00eb quhet “deep state”, ose shteti i abisit<\/em>, si\u00e7 u p\u00ebrshtat m\u00eb pas n\u00eb secil\u00ebn gjuh\u00eb, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb dhe at\u00eb ruse.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ky nocion n\u00ebnkupton nj\u00eb organizat\u00eb t\u00eb ashp\u00ebr, me shum\u00eb zgjatime, absolutisht anti-demokratike, nj\u00eb struktur\u00eb filo-autoritariste dhe shtyp\u00ebse, e cila q\u00ebndron e sajdisur dhe e fshehur pas disa institucioneve t\u00eb vitrin\u00ebs q\u00eb n\u00eb dukje shfaqen si demokratike.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ky mekaniz\u00ebm q\u00eb n\u00eb praktik\u00eb e ushtron autoritetin e vet n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet akteve t\u00eb dhun\u00ebs, korruptimit dhe manipulimit, zhytet i paduksh\u00ebm n\u00ebn sip\u00ebrfaqen e nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebrie civile mediokre, nd\u00ebrsa manipulon, korrupton ose shtyp t\u00eb gjith\u00eb ata q\u00eb guxojn\u00eb ta akuzojn\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

Shoq\u00ebria amerikane nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb se u befasua kur zbuloi se n\u00eb indet e saj ekzistonte ky mekaniz\u00ebm i quajtur shtet i abisit(deep state)<\/em>, kjo ndodhi edhe p\u00ebr faktin se prej shum\u00eb koh\u00ebsh amerikan\u00ebt e kishin dyshuar ekzistenc\u00ebn e k\u00ebtij mekanizmi. <\/span><\/p>\n

Derisa ekziston “deep net”<\/em> (abisi kibernetik), “dark net”<\/em> (terri\u00a0 kibernetik) pse t\u00eb mos ekzistonte dhe nj\u00eb “deep state”<\/em> (shtet i abisit) ose po t\u00eb doni dhe nj\u00eb “dark state”<\/em> (shtet i territ)?<\/span><\/p>\n

Nga thell\u00ebsit\u00eb dhe err\u00ebsira e k\u00ebsaj fuqie t\u00eb paeksploruar dhe t\u00eb pa reklamuar ka lul\u00ebzuar ideja mbi \u00a0“mrekullin\u00eb e demokracis\u00eb”<\/em>, e gatuar posa\u00e7\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr konsum masiv, duke shfaqur iluzionin e zgjedhjes, ndjenj\u00ebn e liris\u00eb, mashtrimet e superioritetit e k\u00ebshtu me radh\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

Mosbesimi dhe lakmia, dy element\u00ebt q\u00eb demokracia e abisit i p\u00ebrdor si l\u00ebnd\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb p\u00ebr energjin\u00eb shoq\u00ebrore, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb pashmangshme do t\u00eb \u00e7onin n\u00eb nj\u00eb rritje t\u00eb sensit kritik dhe t\u00eb ankthit.<\/span><\/p>\n

Spekulant\u00ebt, zem\u00ebrak\u00ebt, mercenar\u00ebt e k\u00ebtij sistemi t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb s\u00eb abisit, kan\u00eb formuar nj\u00eb mas\u00eb protagoniste agresive, e cila ka nxjerr\u00eb jasht\u00eb loje shtres\u00ebn e mesme dhe rolin e saj ekuilibrues t\u00eb dikursh\u00ebm. <\/span><\/p>\n

Askush sot nuk beson n\u00eb q\u00ebllimet e mira t\u00eb politikan\u00ebve. Ata i kan\u00eb zili dhe nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht i konsiderojn\u00eb t\u00eb korruptuar, t\u00eb zgjuar, ose thjesht t\u00eb pandersh\u00ebm. Seriale televizive t\u00eb njohura si “The Boss” \u00a0apo “The House of Cards”, p\u00ebrshkruajn\u00eb deri diku me skenat e tyre forc\u00ebn e territ q\u00eb imponon sjelljen e kast\u00ebs drejtuese.<\/span><\/p>\n

Logjika ta do q\u00eb nj\u00eb zullumqari i duhet prer\u00eb rruga, p\u00ebr faktin e thjesht\u00eb se ai \u00ebsht\u00eb zullumqar. <\/span><\/p>\n

Por ama kur t\u00eb gjith\u00eb p\u00ebrreth teje (si\u00e7 supozojm\u00eb) jan\u00eb zullumqar\u00eb, at\u00ebher\u00eb je i detyruar q\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrdor\u00ebsh zullumin si mjet p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrballuar dhe triumfuar mbi zullumqar\u00ebt e tjer\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00ebse dikush heq nj\u00eb pyk\u00eb duke p\u00ebrdorur nj\u00eb pyk\u00eb tjet\u00ebr, dikush eleminon nj\u00eb zullumqar duke kurdisur nj\u00eb zullum tjet\u00ebr.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ekziston nj\u00eb pafund\u00ebsi mund\u00ebsish p\u00ebr zullume, ku \u00e7do loj\u00ebtar ka mund\u00ebsin\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb zullumin e radh\u00ebs ose kund\u00ebr-zullumin e radh\u00ebs, n\u00eb nj\u00eb skem\u00eb ku zullumet lidhen nj\u00ebri pas tjetrit pak a shum\u00eb si laku i kravat\u00ebs.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ja k\u00ebshtu ndodh n\u00eb nj\u00eb sistem t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar mbi parimin “check and balance”<\/em> (kontrollo dhe ekuilibro) – n\u00eb thelb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb ekuilib\u00ebr dinamik i vjedhjes, nj\u00eb nd\u00ebrveprim i kopracis\u00eb dhe lakmis\u00eb, nj\u00eb harmoni e mashtrimeve. <\/span>
\nPor n\u00ebse dikush harron se kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb loj\u00eb dhe fillon t\u00eb shp\u00ebrfill\u00eb rregullat, at\u00ebher\u00eb shteti vigjilent i abisit (deep state) nxiton drejt tij, nj\u00eb dor\u00eb e padukshme e mb\u00ebrthen prej lakut t\u00eb kravat\u00ebs dhe e t\u00ebrheq posht\u00eb n\u00eb abis.<\/span><\/p>\n

Nuk ka asgj\u00eb p\u00ebr t’u frik\u00ebsuar n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb imazh t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb per\u00ebndimore q\u00eb un\u00eb p\u00ebrshkrova. Mjafton q\u00eb secili t\u00eb rishikoj\u00eb disi k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrimin mbi sip\u00ebrfaqen dhe vitrin\u00ebn dhe ky realitet nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb se ka p\u00ebr ta frik\u00ebsuar m\u00eb.
\n<\/span>
\nE kuptoj q\u00eb ky p\u00ebrshkrim l\u00eb nj\u00eb shije t\u00eb thart\u00eb, ndoshta nj\u00eb qytetar per\u00ebndimor mediton, rrotullon kok\u00ebn n\u00eb k\u00ebrkim t\u00eb modeleve t\u00eb reja dhe t\u00eb m\u00ebnyrave t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb jetuarit.<\/span><\/p>\n

Dhe…aty shfaqet Rusia.<\/span><\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a><\/p>\n

Sistemi yn\u00eb, (ashtu si\u00e7 n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi gjith\u00eb gj\u00ebrat tona) nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb i k\u00ebndsh\u00ebm, por ama \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb i ndersh\u00ebm. <\/span><\/p>\n

Dhe kur un\u00eb them “m\u00eb i ndersh\u00ebm”<\/em> nuk jam duke dh\u00ebn\u00eb ndonj\u00eb sinonim t\u00eb fjal\u00ebs “m\u00eb i mir\u00eb”<\/em> p\u00ebr k\u00ebdo, por jam duke th\u00ebn\u00eb se ndershm\u00ebria ka sharmin e vet.<\/span><\/p>\n

Shteti yn\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb i ndar\u00eb n\u00eb dy p\u00ebrmasa, abisi dhe vitrina. Ai \u00ebsht\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar si nj\u00eb kall\u00ebp, me t\u00eb gjitha p\u00ebrmasat dhe manifestimet t\u00eb dukshme p\u00ebr gjith\u00ebk\u00ebnd. <\/span><\/p>\n

Element\u00ebt m\u00eb brutal\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebrjes s\u00eb tij mund t\u00eb shihen qart\u00ebsisht n\u00eb fasad\u00eb, pa e marr\u00eb mundimin t’i maskojm\u00eb me zbukurime arkitekturore. <\/span>
\nMadje burokracia jon\u00eb \u00a0edhe kur p\u00ebrpiqet t\u00eb kurdis\u00eb di\u00e7ka me dinak\u00ebri ose hile nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb se mundohet shum\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbuluar gjurm\u00ebt e saj, sepse ec\u00ebn me parimin: “sado t\u00eb mundohesh, prap\u00eb do e kuptojn\u00eb”<\/em>.<\/span><\/p>\n

Tensioni i madh i brendsh\u00ebm i shkaktuar nga nevoja p\u00ebr t\u00eb kontrolluar zona t\u00eb m\u00ebdha gjeografike dhe heterogjene, pjes\u00ebmarrja e vazhdueshme n\u00eb luft\u00ebn gjeopolitike, i b\u00ebjn\u00eb funksionet ushtarake dhe policore t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme dhe m\u00eb vendimtare.<\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00eb p\u00ebrputhje me tradit\u00ebn, intencionet tona nuk jan\u00eb t\u00eb fshehura.
\n<\/span>
\nBiznesmen\u00ebt, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt mendojn\u00eb \u00a0se perspektiva ushtarake ka nj\u00eb vler\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb vog\u00ebl sesa perspektiva komerciale, nuk e kan\u00eb qeverisur dot asnj\u00ebher\u00eb Rusin\u00eb (pothuajse asnj\u00ebher\u00eb, p\u00ebrjashtimet ishin disa muaj m\u00eb 1917 dhe disa vite n\u00eb vitet 1990). As liberal\u00ebt (bashk\u00eb-udh\u00ebtar\u00ebt e biznesmen\u00ebve), m\u00ebsimet e t\u00eb cil\u00ebve jan\u00eb t\u00eb bazuara n\u00eb mohimin e atyre gj\u00ebrave q\u00eb kan\u00eb ngjashm\u00ebri me polic\u00ebt nuk e kan\u00eb qeverisur dot Rusin\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

K\u00ebshtu q\u00eb prerrogativa e konceptimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb shteti me dy p\u00ebrmasa, abisi dhe vitrina, nuk ka asnj\u00eb vler\u00eb n\u00eb Rusi. \u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Nuk ekziston shteti i abisit (deep state) n\u00eb Rusi,\u00a0 por ama nga ana tjet\u00ebr, ekziston nj\u00eb komb me rr\u00ebnj\u00eb t\u00eb thella.<\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00eb sip\u00ebrfaqe shk\u00eblqen elita e cila, shekull pas shekullit (le t\u00eb japim at\u00eb q\u00eb i takon) ka p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb njer\u00ebzit n\u00eb sip\u00ebrmarrjet e saj t\u00eb ndryshme – konferencat partiake, luft\u00ebrat, zgjedhjet, eksperimentet ekonomike. Kombi rr\u00ebnj\u00eb-thell\u00eb p\u00ebrfshihet n\u00eb k\u00ebto sip\u00ebrmarrje, por mbetet disi i mbyllur dhe nuk shfaqet n\u00eb sip\u00ebrfaqe, por zhvillon jet\u00ebn e vet krejt\u00ebsisht ndryshe n\u00eb thell\u00ebsit\u00eb e veta. <\/span>
\nDy jet\u00ebt e kombit, nj\u00eb n\u00eb sip\u00ebrfaqe dhe nj\u00eb n\u00eb thell\u00ebsi, ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb dalin n\u00eb drejtime t\u00eb kund\u00ebrta, ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn drejtim, por kurr\u00eb nuk bashkohen.<\/span><\/p>\n

Kombi rr\u00ebnj\u00eb-thell\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb i \u00e7uditsh\u00ebm nga \u00e7’duket, i paarritsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr anketat sociologjike, agjitacionin, k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimet ose ndonj\u00eb form\u00eb tjet\u00ebr t\u00eb ndikimit t\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb. <\/span>
\nKuptimin e asaj \u00e7ka \u00ebsht\u00eb, \u00e7far\u00eb mendon apo dhe \u00e7ka d\u00ebshiron, \u00a0shpesh e gjen papritmas ose dhe shum\u00eb von\u00eb, dhe jo p\u00ebr hir t\u00eb atyre q\u00eb mund t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb di\u00e7ka me vet\u00ebdijen e gjetur.<\/span><\/p>\n

Do na ishte i \u00e7muar ai sociolog q\u00eb do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb zbulonte n\u00ebse kombi rr\u00ebnj\u00eb-thell\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb ekuivalent i gjith\u00eb popullsis\u00eb, apo n\u00ebse \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e caktuar e tij. E n\u00ebse \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e caktuar, p\u00ebr cil\u00ebn pjes\u00eb b\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb? <\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshme presupozohej se kjo pjes\u00eb ishin fshatar\u00ebt, proletariati, an\u00ebtar\u00ebt jo-partiake, hipsterat, apo punonj\u00ebsit e qeveris\u00eb. Njer\u00ebzit tan\u00eb sikur e k\u00ebrkonin ta preknin k\u00ebt\u00eb ndjesi t\u00eb rr\u00ebnj\u00ebve t\u00eb thella dhe u p\u00ebrpoq\u00ebn t\u00eb angazhoheshin. <\/span>
\nAta ca koh\u00eb e quajt\u00ebn udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsin ekzekutues t\u00eb vullnetit t\u00eb Per\u00ebndis\u00eb, ose t\u00eb kund\u00ebrt\u00ebn. <\/span>
\nNdonj\u00ebher\u00eb ky nocion mendohej si imagjinar dhe sikur nuk ekzistonte n\u00eb realitet dhe nis\u00ebn reforma galopante pa hedhur v\u00ebshtrimin pas, por shpejt u p\u00ebrball\u00ebn me t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn ton\u00eb dhe u detyruam t\u00eb pranonim se “di\u00e7ka v\u00ebrtet ekziston.” <\/span>
\nM\u00eb shum\u00eb se nj\u00eb her\u00eb vet\u00ebdija e kombit rr\u00ebnj\u00eb-thell\u00eb u shp\u00ebrfytyrua n\u00ebn shtypjen e pushtuesve vendas ose t\u00eb huaj, por gjithnj\u00eb u kthye.<\/span><\/p>\n

Me mas\u00ebn e vet gjigande, kombi rr\u00ebnj\u00eb-thell\u00eb krijon nj\u00eb forc\u00eb t\u00eb pakap\u00ebrcyeshme t\u00eb gravitacionit kulturor q\u00eb bashkon mbar\u00eb kombin dhe t\u00ebrheq n\u00eb tok\u00eb (n\u00eb vendin am\u00eb) elit\u00ebn, kur ajo her\u00eb pas here p\u00ebrpiqet t\u00eb fluturoj\u00eb mbi t\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb kozmopolitike.<\/span><\/p>\n

Rr\u00ebnj\u00ebt e Kombit, sido q\u00eb mund t\u00eb kuptohen, jan\u00eb pararend\u00ebsi i shtetit.<\/span><\/p>\n

Paracaktojn\u00eb form\u00ebn e shtetit, kufizojn\u00eb fantazit\u00eb e teoricien\u00ebve dhe detyrojn\u00eb praktikuesit t\u00eb kryejn\u00eb akte t\u00eb caktuara. <\/span>
\n\u00cbsht\u00eb nj\u00eb forc\u00eb t\u00ebrheqje e fuqishme dhe t\u00eb gjitha trajektoret politike, pa p\u00ebrjashtim, \u00e7ojn\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb. <\/span>
\nN\u00eb Rusi, mund t\u00eb tentoni nga \u00e7do pozicion – konservatorizmi, socializmi, liberalizmi – por gjithmon\u00eb do t\u00eb p\u00ebrfundoni p\u00ebraf\u00ebrsisht te e nj\u00ebjta gj\u00eb. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb, ajo \u00e7far\u00eb ekziston aktualisht.<\/span><\/p>\n

Aft\u00ebsia p\u00ebr ta d\u00ebgjuar dhe kuptuar kombin, p\u00ebr t\u00eb par\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha shtigjet nd\u00ebr t\u00eb, nd\u00ebr t\u00eb gjitha skutat e rr\u00ebnj\u00ebve t\u00eb thella t\u00eb kombit, pik\u00ebrisht ky \u00ebsht\u00eb virtyti m\u00eb i \u00e7muar i qeverisjes s\u00eb Putinit. <\/span><\/p>\n

Sepse p\u00ebrputhet me nevojat e njer\u00ebzve, ndjek t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin kurs me njer\u00ebzit, nuk lejon q\u00eb kund\u00ebr-rrymat historike t’ia ndryshojn\u00eb kursin. Kjo e b\u00ebn efi\u00e7ente dhe afatgjat\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb sistem t\u00eb gjitha institucionet i n\u00ebnshtrohen nj\u00eb q\u00ebllimi kryesor: komunikim i bazuar mbi besimin nd\u00ebrmjet kreut t\u00eb shtetit dhe qytetar\u00ebve. <\/span>
\nDikasteret e ndryshme shtet\u00ebrore nd\u00ebrthuren s\u00ebbashku p\u00ebrreth liderit dhe b\u00ebhen t\u00eb vleshme jo p\u00ebr aksionin e tyre n\u00eb vetvete, por p\u00ebr rolin e tyre bazik, si zgjatime q\u00eb \u00e7ojn\u00eb nevojat e qytetar\u00ebve te lideri udh\u00ebheq\u00ebs.<\/span><\/p>\n

Kur marr\u00ebzia, prapambetja, ose korrupsioni, p\u00ebrpiqen t\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyjn\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebto linja komunikimi me njer\u00ebzit, aktivizohen menj\u00ebher\u00eb veprime energjike t\u00eb cilat nd\u00ebrpresin k\u00ebt\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyrje dhe garantojn\u00eb se\u00a0 z\u00ebri i njer\u00ebzve do t\u00eb d\u00ebgjohet pa asnj\u00eb lloj nd\u00ebrhyrje.<\/span><\/p>\n

Modelin e institucioneve ne e kemi adoptuar nga per\u00ebndimi. Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb adoptim i nevojsh\u00ebm q\u00eb t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn n\u00eb dukje t\u00eb mos kemi diferenca q\u00eb do t\u00eb binin shum\u00eb n\u00eb sy dhe n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb shfaqemi “si gjith\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt” dhe i privojm\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt t\u00eb godasin ve\u00e7antit\u00eb e kultur\u00ebs son\u00eb politike.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00cbsht\u00eb pak a shum\u00eb si ai kostumi q\u00eb ne e veshim dit\u00ebn e Diel\u00eb, kur na duhet t\u00eb shkojm\u00eb n\u00eb ndonj\u00eb sebep, ose kur presim ndonj\u00eb mik n\u00eb sht\u00ebpi. <\/span>
\nPor ama porsa miku ik\u00ebn nga sht\u00ebpia, ne heqim kostumin dhe veshim rrobat e sht\u00ebpis\u00eb dhe rrim\u00eb n\u00eb sht\u00ebpin\u00eb ton\u00eb si\u00e7 na e ndjen, p\u00ebr qejfin ton\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00eb thelb, shoq\u00ebria jon\u00eb i beson vet\u00ebm kreut t\u00eb shtetit. Nuk di t\u00eb them n\u00ebse kjo ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me krenarin\u00eb, ose lidhet me d\u00ebshir\u00ebn p\u00ebr t\u00eb prekur t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebn me duart e tua apo n\u00ebse ka lidhje ndonj\u00eb gj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr, \u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb thuhet, por ama \u00ebsht\u00eb fakt dhe nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb fakt i ri. <\/span>
\nAjo q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e re \u00ebsht\u00eb se qeveria nuk e injoron k\u00ebt\u00eb fakt, por e merr parasysh dhe e p\u00ebrdor at\u00eb si nj\u00eb pik\u00eb nisje n\u00eb pun\u00ebn e saj.<\/span><\/p>\n

Do t\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb thjesht\u00ebzim i panevojsh\u00ebm n\u00ebse k\u00ebt\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie do ta p\u00ebrkufizonim me shprehjen “Populli i beson mir\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Carit”. Kombi rr\u00ebnj\u00eb-thell\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb aspak naiv dhe nuk e konsideron zemr\u00ebn e but\u00eb t\u00eb udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit si nj\u00eb tipar pozitiv. <\/span>
\nM\u00eb af\u00ebr perceptimit popullor p\u00ebr udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsin, ndoshta do t\u00eb na vlente shprehja q\u00eb tha dikur Ajnshtajni p\u00ebr Zotin duke e p\u00ebrcaktuar si “T\u00eb zgjuar, por jo keqdash\u00ebs”<\/em>.<\/span><\/p>\n

Modeli bashk\u00ebkohor i shtetit rus fillon me besim dhe mb\u00ebshtetet n\u00eb besim. Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb dallimi kryesor i tij nga modeli per\u00ebndimor, i cili kultivon mosbesimin dhe kritik\u00ebn. Dhe ky \u00ebsht\u00eb burimi i fuqis\u00eb s\u00eb tij.<\/span><\/p>\n

Shteti yn\u00eb i ri do t\u00eb ket\u00eb nj\u00eb histori t\u00eb gjat\u00eb dhe t\u00eb lavdishme n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb shekull t\u00eb ri. Nuk do t\u00eb thyhet. <\/span>
\nAi do t\u00eb punoj\u00eb me veten, duke fituar dhe mbajtur trofet\u00eb e lig\u00ebs m\u00eb profesionale t\u00eb luft\u00ebs gjeopolitike. <\/span>
\nHer\u00ebt a von\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb do t\u00eb detyrohen ta pranojn\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb realitet, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb ata q\u00eb aktualisht k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb q\u00eb Rusia “t\u00eb ndryshoj\u00eb sjelljen e saj”<\/em>. <\/span><\/p>\n

Sepse dhe ata do e kuptojn\u00eb se… ve\u00e7 nj\u00eb mund\u00ebsi ka aty n\u00eb horizont.<\/span><\/em><\/p>\n

****************************************<\/span><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

P\u00ebrktheu nga rusishtja n\u00eb anglisht Dmitry Orlov. Versionin n\u00eb anglisht e gjeni k\u00ebtu<\/strong><\/em><\/span><\/a>.<\/span><\/p>\n

P\u00ebrshtati n\u00eb shqip: Hashtag.al<\/strong><\/em><\/span><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n","protected":false,"gt_translate_keys":[{"key":"rendered","format":"html"}]},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

  Parantez\u00eb nga Hashtag.al: N\u00eb shkurt t\u00eb vitit 2019, teknologu politik Vladislav Surkov, i njohur ndryshe dhe si “kardinali gri” i Putinit, publikoi nj\u00eb shkrim q\u00eb b\u00ebri shum\u00eb buj\u00eb. Shkrimi ka nj\u00eb vler\u00eb t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb kuptuarin objektiv t\u00eb mentalitetit t\u00eb kupol\u00ebs drejtuese ruse, larg interpretimeve amatore t\u00eb medias tradicionale prandaj “Hashtag.al” ka vendosur […]<\/p>\n","protected":false,"gt_translate_keys":[{"key":"rendered","format":"html"}]},"author":4,"featured_media":299639,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[22,11],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-299635","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-ballina","category-super-click"],"gt_translate_keys":[{"key":"link","format":"url"}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/299635","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/4"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=299635"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/299635\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/299639"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=299635"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=299635"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.hashtag.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=299635"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}